Category Archives: Endorsement interviews

Video of treasurer candidates

These two videos, as short as they are (the maximum my camera will shoot is just under three minutes), are fairly representative of what it’s like talking to these two candidates.

First we have challenger Thomas Ravenel, the Republican, airing his business acumen in his own breezy way during his editorial board endorsement interview on Aug. 28. His point in this discourse to tell us what he knows about investments that, by implication, the incumbent does not.

Then, we have incumbent Treasurer Grady Patterson, talking about his young opponent and explaining — sort of — why he won’t go on live TV to debate him. This is from the Democrat’s interview on Oct. 5. By the way, one of the questioners is reporter John O’Connor, who is not a member of the editorial board. We invite folks from the newsroom to attend our meetings, and sometimes they take us up on it. Every once in a while, the meetings actually produce news.

Tommy Moore video

OK, this time I really have posted a video that works. And if you go back, you’ll see I’ve fixed the previously-posted Sanford video.

Anyway, this one features Sen. Tommy Moore, D-Aiken, explaining himself to our new publisher, Henry Haitz, who had never met him before. That’s me at the end stumbling through a question…

Sanford video (and it actually WORKS!)

Finally, I’ve figured out a way to share video with you that seems to work. Please give me feedback on this: Does it work for you? Do you want more? I have several other Sanford clips. Do you want me to go back and post video on other candidates I’ve written about? I have clips on all of them; I’ve just been saving them up for lack of a good way to post them.

Anyway, this one features S.C. Gov. Mark Sanford explaining how he believes he has improved "soil conditions" for economic development. This is from his endorsement interview with The State‘s editorial board on Wednesday, Oct. 4, 2006.

Sunday candidate roundup

Getting up close and personal
with the candidates

By BRAD WARTHEN
Editorial Page Editor
JOIN ME on a quick tour of our most recent endorsement interviews (and then you can check out longer observations on my blog —– address below):

Sept. 20, 10 a.m.  This race would be a yawner if Drew Theodore had not revealed that incumbent Comptroller General Rich Eckstrom used a state vehicle and state gas card to take his family on vacation. But Mr. Theodore seems to have his own affinity for old-time politics-as-usual, from back when the great lubricant that made South Carolina’s crazy system of government work was the power of personal relationships. He defends the hermaphroditic Budget and Control Board on those grounds: "When the system and everybody is getting along, it’s a good thing to have." He’s sure he can get along with others better than that socially awkward travelin’ man, Rich Eckstrom.

Monday, 11 a.m. — If you’re looking for the anti-Andre Bauer, it’’s his challenger, Robert Barber. Unlike the incumbent Gov Lite, he says grownup stuff like "I think I bring a level of maturity and judgment to the office that will hold me in good stead." Not that he’s saying anything about his opponent. Maturity and judgment are so-o-o-o boring, don’t you think? After our meeting, I stepped over to turn out one of the table lamps in the boardroom. Without saying a word, he did the same with the lamp’s twin on the other side of the room. No candidate’s ever done that before. Maybe he really is a responsible grownup.

Tuesday, 1:15 p.m. — South Carolina will be farming — and eating — in a whole new way if Emile DeFelice has anything to do with it. The agriculture commissioner candidate’s enthusiasm for change is infectious. He says things like "America is falling in love — again, I should say — with agriculture. And food. Farming. A lot of people are discovering their inner farmer," and it doesn’t even sound particularly weird. Think of him as the Oliver Wendell Douglas in this campaign. (You know — "Green Acres.") When he talks about farming and America, you can hear the fife playing "Yankee Doodle" in the background. And he’s got a great slogan: "Put Your State on Your Plate."

Tuesday, 4 p.m.
— "I may not be on the right track, but this is where my spirit leads me," says Cheryl Footman of her quest to replace Mark Hammond as secretary of state. She says the Lord inspired her to run. She also believes it would be important, for the "message it would send to the nation," for a black woman to be elected to the statewide post. "Cheryl Footman would be a step in the right direction — it’s sort of a slogan that I use."

Wednesday, 10 a.m. — OK, voters, sort this out: Democrat Glenn Lindman, unlike incumbent Adjutant General Stan Spears, believes the head of our National Guard should be appointed — as in every other state — instead of elected. He says the appointment should be based on strict criteria. The standards should include being either a federally recognized general officer, or promotable to that. The highest rank the Iraq veteran and Bronze Star recipient achieved was first sergeant. But there’s nothing stopping an NCO from holding the job now, and the only way that’s likely to change soon is if we elect the NCO. Weird, huh?

Wednesday, 11 a.m. — Is there more to Jim Rex than not being the official "voucher" candidate for superintendent of education? Well, yes. He says he appreciates those of us who have been sticking up for the hard-won progress that our public schools have made, but the improvement is only incremental. "What our state desperately needs a comprehensive plan to reform, improve and support public education." And you need all three — you can’t reform without support, you can’t improve without reform, and you won’t get support without improvement. That sounds better than the last time someone running for office said we "desperately needed" something — that was about the lottery. Mr. Rex agrees that the lottery is "not too dissimilar from saying, ‘Let’s have a voucher.’" Both approaches are about saying we can’t do this together.

Thursday, 10 a.m. — Republican agriculture chief Hugh Weathers acknowledges that his opponent, the enthusiastic Mr. DeFelice, has good ideas — as far as they go, but "I bring the big-picture perspective." His focus extends far beyond the niche of organic farming. And Mr. Weathers has at least tried to come up with "my version of a slogan." You ready? It’s "Agriculture delivers." As they say in the advertising biz, "What else have you got?" (I’ll be participating in these guys’ debate, too — same night, same place, only at 7.)

Thursday, 1 p.m. — Our latest interview with the breezy Thomas Ravenel provided another portrait of the classic confidence — some would say arrogance — of the self-made young man. He made it on his own, so all we really need for everyone to be prosperous is to remove obstacles (such as taxes), and everybody else can do the same. "Everybody talks about ‘education, education,’" he says, in a way that indicates that he believes its value is overrated. Look at Cuba, he says — it’s loaded with highly educated people, and the economy is pathetic because of the lack of opportunity. Asked about the controversial Rod Shealy, he says, "I have a lot of consultants." And then he brings up the fact that he’s got Will Folks, admitted woman-batterer, helping him too. "I believe in giving Folks a second chance," he says, enjoying his pun. "(I)n politics, you have to deal with some unsavory characters."

Hugh Weathers, commissioner of agriculture

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Thursday, 10 a.m. — Republican incumbent Hugh Weathers acknowledges that his opponent, the enthusiastic Emile DeFelice, has good ideas — as far as they go. He says the Democrat’s emphasis on organic, sustainable farming "is good; it’s one of the spokes" on the wheel. But he makes a good case that there’s a lot more to advancing South Carolina agriculture than that.

"This race is pretty clear," he said. "I bring the big-picture perspective."

One place where he does not have the advantage, though: "My opponent has a good slogan." No kidding. But Mr. Weathers has at least tried to come up with "my version of a slogan: "Agriculture delivers." He says he kind of likes it, as it can be read on more than one level.

OK, five points out of 10 for trying, but no points for originality. As they say in the advertising biz, "What else have you got?"

Well, what he’s got includes substance, as a fourth-generation farmer and businessman. It was those attributes that Gov. Mark Sanford stressed when he appointed Mr. Weathers to the post vacated by the elected commissioner, who got all tangled up in cockfighting.

He says the governor charged him with two things:

  1. To use his business skills to look at the agency the way he would his businesses (Weathers Farms, Inc. and Weathers Trucking, Inc., a bulk milk delivery service for over 30 dairies).
  2. Use his farm background to make the agency more effective as well as efficient.

He believes he’s done those things, even if Mr. DeFelice hasn’t seen it. Because of assignment number one, he’s been focused inward — trimming managerial positions and achieving other efficiencies. As to number two, he says the agency is about to issue its request-for-proposal on a new branding campaign for S.C. products this very week.

In an almost mystical statement that would be worthy of his opponent, Mr. Weathers says, "We’re trying to influence two people — the consumer and the citizen. And they’re the same person."

And he refuses to take a back seat to the challenger in the one area where he would seem to have the greatest edge: Enthusiasm. The laconic Mr. Weathers insists he has enthusiasm, too, "But I blend it with the pragmatic… so that you don’t make big plans that don’t materialize." He goes on about it for several minutes, concluding, "You put up the whole of the enthusiasm that I create, I think it will stand up to any comparison."

So there, Mr. Charismatic.

On a personal note, like Ms. Footman, Mr. Weathers also gets his spirit recharged by singing at church (Bowman Southern Methodist). He’s a baritone, of course. Perhaps when this is all over, we can get them together for a duet. It might not solve all of our state’s problems, but it couldn’t hurt.

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Jim Rex, superintendent of education

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Wednesday, 11 a.m. — Finally, we meet Jim Rex. About time, too, with less than six weeks to go before he faces Karen Floyd. And so it is that we are able to answer the question that so many have asked since we last looked in on the contest to replace Inez Tenenbaum: Is there more to Jim Rex than not being the official PPIC candidate?

Well, yes. After all, the man has spent 30 years in education, from K-12 to higher ed, both public and private — ending as president of Columbia College. He’s retired from all that (except for some consulting work), he seems well off, he doesn’t need a job.

But he wants to make the public schools in South Carolina better, so he’s running for this office. He was talked into it by Dick Riley, who stressed two arguments:

  1. South Carolina needs an educator in the job.
  2. This is likely to be the highest-stakes election for the future of education "in our lifetimes."

Mr. Rex says he appreciates those of us who have been sticking up for the hard-won progress that our public schools have made, in the face of years of denigration by the governor, SCRG and others whose goal is to persuade our state to despair and give up the daunting, expensive (and the expensive is what actually matter to them) enterprise of trying to educate all of our children.

But for his part, he’s frustrated with how the schools are doing. He has been for a couple of decades. While he sees "incremental progress," it’s not enough because we’re not catching up to the rest of the nation.

"What our state desperately needs," he says, is "a comprehensive plan to reform, improve and support public education." And you need all three — you can’t reform without support, you can’t improve without reform, and you won’t get support without improvement.

The issue is whether the state will buckle down and undertake that task. "My election is a referendum, I hope, once and for all" in favor of the mission of education, "and a denunciation of distractions." For that reason the former high school English teacher and football coach (he said his players told him he was the only coach they’d ever had who yelled at them in complete sentences) plans to "go on the offense for public education."

His intent would be to spend his first 12 months in office building grass-roots support for his comprehensive plan, "so that when we roll it out, no matter who the governor is" or who is running the Legislature, they won’t be able to stand in the way of the changes.

He wants to instill in South Carolinians the kind of spirit that ran through the state when Mr. Riley was governor: "(T)here was a feeling of optimism. There was a feeling that South Carolina can be as good as anybody and better than most. And we haven’t had that" for a long time.

It’s good to hear from someone who thinks we’re up to the challenge. The last time anyone running for office said we "desperately needed" something, it was Jim Hodges. And he was talking about the lottery. Mr. Rex agrees with me that the lottery is "not too dissimilar from saying, ‘Let’s have a voucher.’" Both approaches are nihilistic. Both are about saying, "We can’t do this together." Both are about placing one’s hopes on individual venality, rather than working together to achieve the common good.

Here are the five main components of the comprehensive approach to education reform that he would advocate:

  1. Innovation. He says that sure, there is plenty of innovation already, here and there in the public schools across the state, but "most of that we have occurs in spite of the state, not because of it." South Carolina can’t just hope for individual initiatives here and there to pull it up; it’s going to take a concerted effort. "We’re doing too many things still, far too many things, that don’t work."
  2. More options and flexibility. "Americans expect choices," and public schools need to deliver it, shifting from a rigid structure something that offers a lot more options to kids and parents. The answer to that demand, however, is most certainly not "this serpent called vouchers."
  3. Reforming reforms. "In every pill there’s a bit of poison," and even the best cures have had their harmful elements. For instance, he believes that while the PACT does a pretty good job of measuring accountability, it’s too expensive, too cumbersome, and has come to loom over the school year to the point that teachers teach to the test too much. The accountability function could be accomplished just as well by sampling the student population, rather than everyone having to take it. If everyone’s going to take a test, it should be something more diagnostic, which would help teachers know how to help individual students.
  4. Elevate and rejuvenate the teaching profession. It’s not only not attracting enough people, it’s not attracting enough of the right people. He cites his roles in establishing the Teacher Cadets program and the PACE program. The first helps promising young people who show an interest in education to continue on that path. The second allows people with valuable knowledge and experience to become teachers without having to go through college again.
  5. Adequately fund education for all children. In other words, fix the inequity that causes those in the Corridor of Shame and other poor areas to fall further behind.

"I don’t think any one, two or three of those things can take us where we need to go. I think we need all five," he said.

He has no qualms about taking on the education establishment. He spent two hours talking to the  SCEA — which ended up endorsing him — and spent an hour of that talking about a form of merit pay.

Sure, educators always protest that such an approach can’t be administered fairly, but he doesn’t swallow that. "If you ask any teacher who are the best and worst teachers" in their schools, "they would know."

"And yet, at the end of the year, they all get the same pay increases," which makes no sense.

Teachers, he said, are going to have to lead the change, not stand in the way of it. "I’ve told educators, it’s kind of now or never."

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Glenn Lindman, adjutant general

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Wednesday, 10 a.m. — This is a very interesting situation. The voters of South Carolina have a tricky choice before them — a choice they shouldn’t even have to make. They must decide who will lead the state’s military arm, the National Guard.

Here are some of the factsergors involved:

  • The incumbent is 69-year-old Stanhope Sifford Spears, a former Democrat-turned-Republican (how weird is that — an American military leader having to decide a party affiliation in order to hold office?) who has held the position of adjutant general for 12 years. He is the only state Guard leader in the nation elected rather than appointed.
  • The challenger is Glenn Lindman, a 46-year-old Iraq War veteran and Bronze Star recipient. He is a Democrat.
  • By virtue of his elective office, Mr. Spears wears the uniform of a major general (two-star).
  • The next-most-senior officer in the Guard is a general.
  • Challenger Lindman’s highest rank in the Guard was first sergeant.
  • But, Mr. Lindman points out, Mr. Spears is not a federally recognized general officer, either. In fact, he’s too old to hold such a post in the regular military. But he won’t retire, and since he is an independently elected state constitutional officer, no one can make him retire — another thing that makes him unique among American military leaders.
  • Mr. Lindman thinks the adjutant general should be appointed by the governor, using a set of standards to make sure the appointee is qualified. Gen. Spears, not surprisingly, likes the present system. After all, it’s worked for him.
  • The Democrat assumes that any standards adopted under the process he advocates would require that the adjutant general be a federally recognized general officer, or of sufficiently high rank to be promotable to general. That would eliminate first sergeants, to say the least.
  • But since there are no military qualifications to hold the position of S.C. adjutant general, there is nothing barring a sergeant — or indeed, a civilian with no military experience whatsoever — from holding the position. All you have to do is get enough people to vote for you. It’s command by popularity, rather than merit — a most unAmerican concept.
  • The state constitution is unlikely to be changed to allow the AG to be appointed as long as the incumbent opposes the change. That’s the way our Legislature works. They’re a very polite bunch. Not all over, but in spots — and this is one of the spots.
  • So, going by the choices available to us in this election, the only way we might switch to a rational system that would keep NCOs from commanding generals is if the first sergeant is elected over the general. As Mr. Lindman puts it from an NCO’s perspective, this might be another case in which "the NCO fixes the problem and hands if back to the officers — and that’s a familiar theme in the military."
  • Beyond the issue of rank, Mr. Spears has never commanded troops in combat; Mr. Lindman has.
  • But isn’t it more of an administrative job than that of a warrior? Remember, Eisenhower never had a combat command either, before being Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force that whipped Hitler. Fine, says the former first sergeant. He’ll stack his up his managerial experience as former head of a computer company against that of insurance man Spears any day.

Mr. Lindman has a lot of gripes against MGen. Spears. For one thing, when his unit — at the time the largest group, with 680 people, to deploy to Iraq — went off to war, the general did not see them off. Nor did he welcome them home. Instead, they were greeted by a Reserve general from North Carolina.

Worse, a lot of the men were stuck over there without transport home, and Gen. Spears had put out a release saying they were all home. This upset some family members who knew their soldiers weren’t home. Congressman Bob Inglis intervened to get them home. Meanwhile, Gen. Spears and some other senior officers had gone to a conference in Hawaii. Hence the welcome-home-by-proxy.

That’s the past. Mr. Lindman is more concerned about the future. He said he was in a strategy meeting in which senior Guard officers were plotting how to get Washington to choose the state’s 218th Brigade for a dangerous mission in Afghanistan previously handled by the 82nd Airborne. Mr. Lindman looked around and saw that no one else in the room was wearing a combat badge.

One delegation was sent to Washington to try to get that combat assignment, and failed. A second one went, and succeeded. So 1,800 South Carolinians will be going over to hunt the resurgent Taliban (including Lt. James Smith, previously featured on this blog).

Mr. Lindman doesn’t think a bunch of officers sitting behind desks should be volunteering S.C. Guardsmen for this mission, and he’s cynical about the motive: "Why are we pushing the envelope? It’s a money issue."

"It’s about getting the 218th Brigade a mission so that the 218th Brigade won’t leave" the state. "We’re sending troops into harm’s way over an issue of money."

Not that he’s got anything against Americans fighting in Afghanistan. As far as current operational theaters go, "I think the moral high ground is Afghanistan… I have no qualms at all" about the mission there.

However, "I think Iraq was a mistake." If there had been WMD, that would have been different, he says. He believes the nation is more vulnerable to threats from Iran, North Korea and the like. "They all know we’re tied up in Iraq, so it encourages them to be adventurous."

But he went there, and he did his duty, doing convoy protection duty 30 times. As a result, he "saw a lot of the country." His unit supported the assault on Fallujah, and "was with the Brits when they retook Ramadi."

"The level of danger was extremely high," he said. There was hardly a mission without an IED going off, or small arms fire on the convoy. "We lost no one, but we did have wounded." He spoke of one S.C. Guardsman who lost an arm.

The missions involved riding Humvees armed with a .50-cal. machine gun or a Mark 19 automatic grenade launcher — at first. But the grenades, they discovered, had a way of failing to detonate when they hit sand — just thunk, and nothing. They came to prefer a mounted M240 machine gun, which was easier to traverse downward when the enemy got too close to the vehicle.

Interestingly — or perhaps I should say, bizarrely — when his unit was training for this mission at Fort Dix, they had no Humvees to drive. So the men were required to stand in little groups pretending to be in a Humvee — you be the commander, and train your weapon out the window like this; you’re the driver, make like you’re holding the wheel and hold your weapon here; you’re the gunner, you stand this way and scan for threats — and then walk around that way.

"This is literally how we trained," he said. "We would walk endlessly down the road, pretending that we had vehicles." The gunners, because of the nature of their weapons, frequently had to walk backwards in these formations. (Trying to picture what he described, I see something that looks like a Monty Python sketch.)

Speaking of lack of resources, the first sergeant has a major beef with the incumbent over the maintenance of Guard armories. As The State’s Chuck Crumbo reported
earlier this month,

     The South Carolina National Guard faces a $60 million tab to repair and renovate most of its 65 armories.
    The buildings – most built in the 1960s and 1970s – are victims of deferred maintenance caused by a lack of state money, officials say.
    "We don’t fix most things that break," said Lt. Col. Jeff Hamrick, facilities manager.
That means roofs leak, window frames rust, and plumbing woes prompt soldiers to skip showers.
    Guard documents show:

  • 83.3 percent of all facilities are "marginally adequate" to support state and federal mission requirements.
  • 10.6 percent have "moderate" deficiencies that threaten units’ state and federal missions.
  • 6.1 percent have "major" deficiencies, meaning the facilities do not meet minimum standards.

    "Not only do some of the armories fail federal standards for usability," a Guard document reads, "but pose serious safety, recruiting and retention issues as well."

"That’s his asset management strategy," Mr. Lindman says of the incumbent. "Rather than manage it when it’s a small problem" — when a roof first starts to leak, for instance — he waits and has to ask for $60 million, the Democrat said.

"His management style is do nothing."

Mr. Spears has declined to be interviewed by the editorial board. I may or may not have a chance to talk with him and Mr. Lindman both next Monday night at 7:30 p.m. in their ETV debate. Tune in.

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Cheryl Footman, Secretary of State

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Tuesday, 4 p.m. — "I may not be on the right track, but this is where my spirit leads me," says Cheryl Footman of her quest to replace Mark Hammond as secretary of state.

And that’s mainly what it’s about for her. Asked why she was running, she said, "Well, I’ve got to give you the honest answer: It’s a spiritual thing." The Lord inspired her to run. "Politically… I don’t really have a political answer."

But she offered some anyway during the interview. One is that she thinks it would be important to be elected as a black woman, for the "message it would send to the nation."

"Cheryl Footman would be a step in the right direction — it’s sort of a slogan that I use."

More specifically to the job, she says Mr. Hammond spends too much time being a cop — chasing after bogus brand-name merchandise sold at flea markets and such.

She would spend more time providing services to businesses — which have to register with the office (the secretary of state’s main function) — and engaging in other, less conventional, initiatives, such as one to teach young people about respect ("basically, a self-esteem program for youth").

She says she would be free to engage in such things since the "office pretty much runs itself, because there really are no policy decisions to be made."

That raises the natural question of why the office needs to be elected, but she says, "I don’t think that if I had to be appointed, that I would get it."

And that’s important because "If the job is to be done correctly, it needs to be done… by me."

Ms. Footman, an Orangeburg teacher, enjoys singing Gospel music in her free time.

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Emile DeFelice, agriculture commissioner

De_felice1

Tuesday, 1:15 p.m. — As I’ve mentioned here before, Emile DeFelice is a very cool candidate. We know that because he is a habitue of this blog. He has been known to comment, using his full name (as all good bloggers should), but by his own admission, "I don’t participate that often." He likes to read it, though: "I’m what they call a ‘lurker‘."

He does not intend to play such a passive role if elected to head the state’s Department of Agriculture, however. There’d be a whole lot of shakin’ goin’ on. If he has anything to do with it, South Carolina will be farming — and eating — in a whole new way.

His enthusiasm for change is infectious. He says things like "America is falling in love — again, I should say — with agriculture. And food. Farming. A lot of people are discovering their inner farmer," and it doesn’t even sound particularly weird. You can get caught up in what he calls "gastroeconomics."

"It’s truly the most democratic thing we have," he says. "And I see issues everywhere" — not just among members of the Farm Bureau. Everyone should care deeply about this race, he believes: "It’s bigger than the governor. I mean really, this is our food…"

Think of him as the Oliver Wendell Douglas in this campaign. When he talks about farming and America, you can hear the fife playing "Yankee Doodle" in the background.

Like many candidates, Mr. De Felice says he got involved when he couldn’t get the incumbent involved in something he saw as important. He went to Commissioner Hugh Weathers with an idea to revitalize the dairy industry in the state through the organic approach. "He literally kicked back in his chair and said, ‘This just ain’t gonna fly in South Carolina’."

Actually, Mr. Weathers may be right. Mr. De Felice’s affinity for organic farming and macrobiotics may be a little too innovative for a lot of voters. But I think his approach is great. He certainly has the best slogan of anybody running for any office this year — of anybody running for any office since I’ve been covering S.C. politics: "Put Your State on Your Plate."

To eat local — thereby encouraging farmers to grow a variety of foods, and stimulating grocers to stock their produce — just makes sense on every possible level, not the least of which being that it helps promote energy independence. He invokes the spirit of the Victory Garden.

"It’s the way to eat your way to a much better state," he says.

Mr. DeFelice started out selling herbs "out of my backyard in Olympia" to a retailer at the Farmer’s Market. Now, he grows hogs. He freely admits that they aren’t certified organic, though, because he has no local organic source of feed with which to supplement their grazing. (The farm on which they graze, however, apparently is organic — at least, according to his Web site.) So he’s not doctrinaire. He seems happy just to move in the right direction, as much as possible.

He’s not about theories. He said his opponent is proud of having gotten $600,000 in non-recurring state funds to market South Carolina farm products. He doesn’t study it; "I do it. I don’t need their money… We are marketing our state." He’s also proud that he doesn’t take subsidies in his farming business: "I farm the free market."

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Robert Barber, lieutenant governor

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Monday, 11 a.m. — Robert Barber is pretty much the anti-Andre Bauer, so I guess it’s fitting that he’s running against him. You might say that if there were an Andre Bauer on the Bizarro planet, Mr. Barber would be it.

That, of course, means he’s not all that interesting. You can come up with all sorts of things to say about a meeting with Andre, but not so with the challenger. Unlike Andre, he says grownup stuff that makes you say, "Yes, that’s true," and you don’t even bother writing it down.

He kept saying stuff like, "I think I bring a level of maturity and judgment to the office that will hold me in good stead." But he won’t trash his opponent. Maturity and judgment are so-o-o-o borring, don’t you think?

Here’s some stuff I did write down:

  • The former legislator is a lawyer, but hasn’t practiced for about a dozen years. He’s been a restaurateur for the last few, having good success with his place down in the Lowcountry — good enough that he could give up his give up his lobbying business in order to run.
  • He doesn’t think the Gov Lite should have to be elected on the same ticket with the governor. So what if they aren’t of the same party, he reasons? He can work with anybody, just as he works with all sorts in running his business.
  • He thinks the superintendent of education should remain separate, too. In this, he admittedly is giving into typical Democratic fear of what the current governor would do to public education if he had control of it. When I protest that we shouldn’t choose our system of government based on temporary circumstances or particular individuals, he says "my eye is more on personalities and attitudes" than on abstractions.
  • The main themes he has stressed in his campaign are "some values that I think are not always applied in Columbia:" Hard work, spiritual values, fiscal accountability, "an element of compassion, and certainly a strong dose of common sense."
  • Before he was a lawyer or a legislator or a lobbyist, he was a preacher. He was ordained as a Methodist minister, but after serving a couple of churches, decided that there were "some limitations to parish ministry I had not anticipated."
  • He’s running, as much as anything, because he has been dissatisfied with how the Office on Aging — that agency the Legislature gave Andre to make it look like he had something to do — was being run. In probably the most direct criticism he would offer of his opponent, Mr. Barber said he spends his time on "a lot of speechifying and a lot of visits that may have a lot more to do with being re-elected" than with serving the elderly. (Gasp! Do ya think?)
  • He’s as surprised as I have been at the sudden ramp-up in feeling about the immigration issue, even though there has been no sudden change in the status of the issue to have provoked it.
  • When asked what he would do if suddenly called on to serve as governor (the lieutenant governor’s one serious constitutional function), he has trouble envisioning what he would do. That was probably his most disturbing comment.

Oddly, the thing he did that impressed me the most was after the meeting was over. He and I were chatting about nothing in particular (he was saying small-talk things like, "Being a Gamecock fan is good preparation for being a Democrat in South Carolina"), and I stepped over to turn out one of the table lamps in the boardroom out of long habit. Without saying a word about it, he stepped over and turned out the lamp’s twin on the other side of the room.

No big deal, but no candidate’s ever taken it upon himself to do that before. Maybe he really is a responsible grownup.

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Drew Theodore, Comptroller General

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Sept. 20, 10 a.m. — Here’s another one where we didn’t have to ask, "Who’s your Daddy?" That’s been a common experience this year.

So why is this man smiling? Well, for one thing he’s an upbeat kind of guy. For another, he has good cause: This race would be a yawner if not for the interesting bit of news Drew Theodore uncovered with regard to incumbent Comptroller General Rich Eckstrom — you know, about how he used a state vehicle and state gas card to take his family on vacation in Minnesota or someplace else so far up north it’s ridiculous.

That, together with Mr. Eckstrom’s penchant for other odd behavior and his lack of social skills, could put the son of the former lieutenant governor in range of victory. Since that means he’d have a seat on the Budget and Control Board, this becomes interesting.

Mr. Theodore says the comptroller general’s office was set up to be an independent fiscal watchdog on state government, "looking at priorities of where the money is being spent." This, he believes, Mr. Eckstrom has not been — not even counting the vacation thing.

He said Mr. Eckstrom, an accountant, is micromanaging the office. The Democrat says that by contrast, he would — as an elected official — concentrate on issues of policy, and let the financial professionals in the office run the day-to-day.

"Policy" is why he believes (unlike me) that the office should continue to be elected, so that there is a fiscal officer with independence. "I think there ought to be an office," either treasurer or comptroller, "elected independently so the governor and the General Assembly know they have somebody looking over their shoulders."

He also defends the hermaphroditic Budget and Control Board, but his logic smacks a bit of longing for forgotten days gone by: "When the system and everybody is getting along, it’s a good thing to have." In other words, the only problem to him is the personalities of some of the members, not the fact that it confuses and entangles the separate functions of the executive and legislative branches.

"It worked before with different parties and different agendas," just not now. "There’s a lack of respect within the board. They’re doing these protest votes." That was a reference to what he sees as symbolic, contrarian gestures by the governor and Mr. Eckstrom against the other two Republicans and one Democrat on the board.

He says he agrees with a lot of things Gov. Sanford wants to do — such as "when he says there are parts of government we should reduce" — and doesn’t understand why he doesn’t work better with people to try to accomplish some of them. "If you really believe what the governor is trying to do, find a way to get it done."

There are contrasts with the governor as well. "I also believe there are some areas where we need to put more resources in," he said. "He (the governor) probably totally disagrees with that."

Beyond that, Mr. Theodore says he would use the office to help local governments, and the state, with economic development.

He would reinstate a hotline for whistleblowers that he said the office used to have under Earle Morris. He said such a setup would be even more effective today, what with e-mail and other formers of modern communication.

He went on at some length about ways to reform health care, using models from other states, including Massachusetts. The idea is to form pools in which uninsured folks who work for state government get together to achieve economies. He would raise the cigarette tax to get that started.

He finished up talking about Mr. Eckstrom’s vacation. "He holds himself out as looking out for government waste, but he" does things like this. Where he took it too far (in terms of whether he got away with it or not) is when he used the state gas card, because "that’s how we tracked it."

"He signed the car out saying he wasn’t taking it out of South Carolina," said Mr. Theodore of his opponent. "If he’s a CPA and he didn’t pay taxes on the use of those two vehicles, then he’s got more problems than just being comptroller general."

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Boyd and Jim column

Up close, even the most clear-cut,
polarizing issue turns gray

By Brad Warthen
Editorial Page Editor
LET’S SET aside all the partisanship and polarization and stupid name-calling for a moment to remind ourselves that when you dig into them deeply enough, things aren’t nearly as bad in our politics as they tend to seem. Or at least, not always.
    That’s because you have people involved. And people are more complicated, and therefore better, than the boxes we would put them in. God bless them for it.
    Look, for instance, at the S.C. House District 75 race in which Richland County Democrat and political newcomer Boyd Summers is challenging Jim Harrison, a 17-year veteran Republican representative and chairman of the House Judiciary Committee.
    In his recent endorsement interview, Mr. Summers said one of the main reasons he was runningSummersmug_1
was that Rep. Harrison had swung to the “hard right” on such issues as support for public education. The incumbent has been a prime pusher of the “Put Parents in Charge” bill, which would use tax credits to pay parents to abandon public schools.
    The challenger is adamantly against PPIC because “I am firmly in favor of public education,” and he doesn’t want to see finite public resources diverted away from our schools to the private sector.
    Mr. Summers brags that he’s supported by the S.C. Education Association, while the Republican is on the side of “South Carolinians for Responsible Government,” an organization that exists only to push PPIC. It doesn’t get more black-and-white than that.
    But it does get less so. Mr. Harrison chafes at being painted as anti-public school. “I think you’ve got to look at 17 years, and not just one bill,” he says. And he’s right. Besides, he says, his two children went to public schools all the way through — Rosewood Elementary, Hand Middle and Dreher High.
    In fact, Mr. Harrison began his interview by aggressively challenging Mr. Summers’ support of public education, pointing out that his challengers’ two young children do not attend public schools. Of course, one of them is only 3 years old. But the older one, Mr. Harrison says he has heard, is in first grade at Hammond School.
    Not true, Mr. Summers says: The older child is in 5-year-old kindergarten at Hammond.
“What my wife and I have made,” he said, “is the decisions we think are best for each child.” OK, so what about the future? “We evaluate it on a year-by-year basis,” he said, and “we haven’t made any decisions yet” about next year.
    But, he insists, he is a firm believer in the importance of public education, and voters can rely on him to make policy on that basis — a confidence he says they cannot place in the incumbent in light of his advocacy of an extremely destructive idea.
    Has Mr. Harrison caught his opponent in a fatal contradiction? Maybe, maybe not. I understand him. I have always believed in public schools, yet our oldest children started their educations in a Catholic school in Tennessee. We switched to public in 1988.
    Still, I wasn’t running for public office on a platform of “I’m for public schools and he isn’t.” The issue is relevant. It gives voters in the district reason to question Mr. Summers’ level of commitment. He may have a good answer, but it gives them a good question.
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    Mr. Harrison says it’s especially relevant because parents who live in Mr. Summers’ neighborhood behind the VA hospital worry that the local school, Meadowfield Elementary, hasn’t been doing well on the PACT.
    They believe, he says, that if parents in the community would “stick together to work to improve their school rather than bailing out,” it would show improvement.
    He said they felt parents turning to the private option were “not giving Meadowfield a chance.”
Not good news for Mr. Summers. But it also complicates things for Rep. Harrison. I couldn’t help pointing out that he had just described very well what was wrong with PPIC — that it would entice the most motivated, most involved parents to leave troubled schools behind, and those schools would only get worse as a result.
    He didn’t disagree. In fact, he reminded me that he had talked in his earlier interview about how he had been motivated to champion “choice” only for children “below a certain income level.”
    “I could live very easily without that provision in the last bill that gave a thousand-dollar tax credit, no matter where you lived and no matter what your income was,” he had said. “It ought to be focused on failing schools and low-income families.”
    Of course, PPIC had included the tax credit for the affluent, which was politically necessary to generate the bill’s only in-state constituency: those who already home-school or send their kids to private schools. And Mr. Harrison had pushed it in that form.
    Still, I had to sympathize with his lament that it was unfair to use that as an excuse to call him “hard right,” or anti-education, in light of his record otherwise. He said there was something wrong with a system in which “people in the middle that are trying to find some viable options get labeled as extremists.”
    I couldn’t agree more. Of course, I think his advocacy of PPIC is quite a bit more relevant to his public education credentials than where a Summers 5-year-old attends kindergarten.
    But I don’t think the issue is as up-or-down as the likes of SCEA and SCRG would have us believe.
Fortunately, they don’t decide elections. In this case, the voters of District 75 do. And they have a lot to consider.

Video experiment

As some of you may know, I’ve been trying off and on for the past year to post videos on my blog in a convenient form. Lots of frustration, particularly since I started video recording bits of endorsement interviews. I think they would add a lot to people’s understanding of the vignettes I’ve been posting.

So I decided to put one of the recent batch on YouTube and see what happens. I put up on in which GOP Rep. Jim Harrison, chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, talking at the beginning of the meeting about his opponent, Democrat Boyd Summers.Check it out. Let me know how it works — if it does.

Fall interviews begin

Some highlights from the
latest candidate interviews

By Brad Warthen
Editorial Page Editor
I LEARN a lot more from candidate interviews than we have room to use in endorsement editorials. So I’ve started sharing my interview notes on my blog — plus photos. Here are some tidbits from our first 11 interviews:

MalymugSept. 6, 10 a.m. “What has gotten me into the political process is when I got my property tax,” says Ray Maly, who is challenging state Rep. Jimmy Bales. He’s dissatisfied with the recent property tax cut the Legislature threw together, because it didn’t do away with residential property taxes entirely. It’s the very idea of the tax that offends him, that he would be “paying Richland County to live in my home….”

Gunnmug_1Sept. 6, 10:45 a.m. Challenger Anton Gunn in District 79 believes property taxes were cut too much, and that lawmakers should have increased the income tax, rather than the regressive sales tax. Mr. Gunn, whom we endorsed in the June Democratic primary, was one of the more impressive candidates we spoke with in that cycle. That makes for a tough choice this fall, as he faces an incumbent we also like a lot — Rep. Bill Cotty.

SummersmugSept. 6, 1 p.m. Longtime GOP House leader Jim Harrison made Boyd Summers mad at him, and as a result, he has an energetic Democratic opponent. Mr. Summers is mad about Mr. Harrison and colleagues stripping local government of the power to regulate billboards, about their trying to send public money to private schools and about the disrespectful handling of the criminal domestic violence bill by some on a panel Mr. Harrison chairs.

Balesmug_1Sept. 7, 10 a.m. I particularly liked an anecdote Rep. Jimmy Bales told: “At my church, people tell me ‘I vote for you,’ but I know they don’t.” He says he knows that because they say they hit the button for the straight Republican ticket first, and then push the button for him as well, not understanding that they have to do it differently to choose an individual Democrat. “People just don’t … they don’t understand it. I say, ‘Thank you.’ What else can I say?”

HarrisonmugSept. 7, 1 p.m. House Judiciary Chairman Jim Harrison lists merit selection of judges as one of his greatest accomplishments, but acknowledges something needs to be done to get more women and minorities on the bench. But he worries that the best lawyers aren’t always seeking the jobs. “If you’re a successful black attorney, you’re probably making too much money to give it up, particularly early in your career,” he said.

DerrickmugSept. 8, 1:25 p.m. Batesburg’s Billy Derrick, Lexington County Council’s lone Democrat, believes regional cooperation “needs to be a two-way street,” meaning sometimes the goodies need to go to the west side of the river. Still, he doesn’t blame Columbia Mayor Bob Coble a bit for having tried (and failed) to keep SCANA. He said it was “completely natural,” and in fact, “I would have been kind of disappointed had they not made a fuss.”

CottymugTuesday, 10:30 a.m. Incumbent Republican Rep. Bill Cotty is opposed by a charismatic Democrat on one side, and a more right-leaning petition candidate on the other, and “I’m the meat in that sandwich.” The moderate Mr. Cotty wants to go into troubled school districts and create state-run charter schools. This would provide a choice for those in failing schools, only this choice would actually be accountable to the taxpayers, unlike the private schools that Mr. Cotty’s primary critics want to throw money at.

WannamakermugTuesday, 1:15 p.m. “I have lived in the Swansea area all my life,” says Sadie Wannamaker. And even though she is opposed in House District 96 by Kit Spires, who defeated the vastly more qualified incumbent Republican Ken Clark in June, she is unintimidated. “I think I have a good chance.” Why? “I’m known in the community,” she said, and “He is, too.”

JonesmugWednesday, 10 a.m. Republican Denise Jones, who is challenging incumbent Rep. John Scott, has signed Grover Norquist’s “no new taxes” pledge. But although she’s tried to mail it in, it must not have gotten there, because they keep writing to ask her for it. That might be fitting, since she does support a cigarette tax increase, and other signers think that would violate the pledge. That’s the biggest reason it hasn’t passed even though 70 percent of South Carolinians are for it.

SmithmugWednesday, 12:15 p.m. Richland County Council member Kit Smith said the city of Columbia’s recent hurried action on homelessness — essentially hijacking a regional process by making unilateral decisions about a permanent one-stop center — has thrown the county for a loop. Basically, city leaders “prematurely brought it out to the community with a scare tactic,” forcing a hasty decision. She said the problematic relationship between Richland County and Columbia “is a constant — sort of like race,” on issue after issue.

ScottmugThursday, 9:30 a.m. When we asked Rep. John Scott about his Republican challenger, he reminded us: “You know, I’ve got this new me?” he said. “If I can’t say something good …,” and left it at that, except to say, “We can’t afford to have inexperienced people at the helm.” Indeed, we were somewhat shocked back during the primary season by the transformation of the former in-your-face lawmaker into the kinder, gentler John Scott. But we’re starting to get used to it. In fact, we kind of like it, now that we’re sure that’s really him.

John Scott, S.C. House District 77

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Thursday, 9:30 a.m. When we asked Rep. John Scott about his Republican challenger, Denise Jones, he reminded us:

"You know, I’ve got this new me?" he said. "If I can’t say something good …," and left it at that, except to say, "We can’t afford to have inexperienced people at the helm."

Indeed, we were somewhat shocked back during the primary season by the transformation of the former in-your-face lawmaker into the kinder, gentler John Scott. But we’re starting to get used to it. It no longer seems nearly as weird as it did in May.

We talked about a number of state and local issues, from gang violence to annexation to local transit — but it’s the last one that is his passion, to the point that after a decade of working on the issue from a public policy standpoint, he actually went into the transportation consulting business several years back.

He said we need to "eliminate this thing that buses are for poor people." Society needs to get the more affluent into public transit, "instead of having three or four cars in the yard, all going in the same direction" every day. He said we’ve "really got to get serious" about the emissions problem, which is getting particularly bad in the Upstate.

He said the public won’t tolerate raising the gasoline tax enough to meet the state’s serious backlog in highway construction and maintenance — implying that those critical needs will have to wait a serious reordering of spending from the general fund.

After that, he mentioned tobacco, which led generally to the overall issue of health, which led specifically to his other great passion, the state’s obesity epidemic.

This, of course, led to another lecture to me about sugar, which my fanatical colleague who was present joined in on. This was unfair, because I’ve been taking my coffee black all week, but just that morning I had decided to allow myself one little luxury (for which I did 50 extra push-ups), and so I admitted that the cup on the table had the dreaded natural sweetener in it.

So how much, he wanted to know. A teaspoon? Two? "Two?" I responded incredulously. "Look, this is a really big cup — I used …" and before I could say "three," the judgmental head-shaking started.

I think I’ll just end our review of this interview right here.

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Kit Smith, Richland County Council Dist. 5

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Wednesday, 12:15 p.m.
We’ve talked to Kit Smith often enough that we don’t have to ask a lot of the basic Civics 101-type questions we have to ask candidates we know less well ("How important is party identification to you?") We’re able to jump straight into the latest developments on issues we’ve spoken of many times before.

She said the city of Columbia’s recent precipitate action on the homelessness issue — essentially hijacking the carefully-constructed regional process to make unilateral decisions about a permanent one-stop center — has thrown the county for a loop. "If it’s not going to be a regional action with regional decisions, then I don’t know" what the county’s role is now.

This past week, the county had been set to appoint its representatives to the metropolitan commission that was supposed to guide the process, but postponed the decision now that the city seems to have pre-empted the need for such a body. Basically, city leaders "prematurely brought it out to the community with a scare tactic," forcing a hasty decision.

The problematic relationship between Richland County and Columbia "is a constant — sort of like race," on issue after issue — animal control, tax increment finance districts, water rates, annexation policy, and on and on. "I sometimes think what we need is a public mediator," she said.

Working across political boundaries is a challenge with other governments as well, such as on bus service: "It’s a regional public good. But somehow it’s hard to communicate it to the other side of the river," she said. Actually, she added, "It’s hard to communicate it to this side of the river."

She wants all the local governments to take a broad, long-term (20 or 40 years out) on infrastructure needs of the community. She sees a time when the community would have separate lanes for buses and car pools, making such efficiencies more attractive to commuters. Until such a broad approach is taken, she said, "We have a lot of cognitive dissonance about planning."

(We were going to talk to Doug Hart, Ms. Smith’s opponent, on the same day, but he asked to postpone.)

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Denise Jones, S.C. House District 77

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Wednesday, 10 a.m. Denise Jones says she’s been running into her opponent, incumbent Democrat John Scott, at a lot of the meetings she’s gone to in the "African-American community" — a term that would describe much of the district.

"They seem to have more community meetings" than folks in white precincts do, she observed. In some ways, this campaign has been an eye-opening experience to this Republican challenger.

"I’ve been invited to little black ladies’ homes," she said, and "They’re really afraid in their homes." This has highlighted for her concern over the growing gang problem in the Midlands.

Ultimately, she believes, "We all have … the same concerns, the same desires."

The top issues? Education — "I’m passionate about that," she said. "We need to take back our children."

That brought us to her support for the "Put Parents in Charge" proposal — although we had to bring it up. After saying, "I understand both sides," she acknowledged that "I do support that."

"We would all do anything we can for our children to achieve."

Aside from that particular approach to achievement, she had other thoughts on education with which we could agree: She said we need to address school district consolidation, and she understands (unlike most PPIC supporters) that our disastrous dropout rate would have to be addressed separately.

She is not enchanted with the idea of shifting the tax burden from property to sales, and with good reason: She understands the volatility of the sales tax. "You’ve got to be able to count on the property taxes."

As a former finance director for more than one state agency, she’s big on cost savings, and believes the state should offer employees incentives to come up with ways to cut back on spending. "I’m big about ownership," she says more than once.

She would restructure state government to eliminate some of the separately elected constitutional officers, but she’s wary of consolidating some agencies.

An area of agreement with our board: "I don’t think state government should dictate to city government or county government how they should run their business."

An area of disagreement: She has signed Grover Norquist‘s "no new taxes" pledge. The good news is that she’s tried to mail it in, but it must not have gotten there, because they keep writing to ask her for it. That might be fitting, since she does support a cigarette tax increase, and other signers think that would violate the pledge — which is the biggest reason it hasn’t passed even though 70 percent of South Carolinians are for it.

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Sadie Wannamaker, S.C. House District 96

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Tuesday, 1:15 p.m. "I have lived in the Swansea area all my life," says Sadie Wannamaker. "I have friends that our parents were friends, we are friends, our children are friends and our grandchildren are friends."

She is very active in the community, and now wants to serve it in the House.

She is a political novice, as is her opponent — Kit Spires, the man who defeated the vastly more qualified incumbent Republican Ken Clark in the primaries, with significant help from the out-of-state anti-public school radicals pushing PPIC. The difference between her and Mr. Spires?

"The biggest would be my strong support of public education," she said. "I don’t think we need it destroyed by any outside influence."

"I have known him all my life," she said of her opponent. "He and I are total opposites" in terms of the ability to communicate and work with other people. Mr. Spires is a pharmacist. Mrs. Wannamaker was female state employee of the year; she spent 31 years working for DHEC.

She is modest about her understanding of legislative issues, but it appears to be greater than Mr. Spires‘. He said repeatedly during the primaries that his one big issue was cutting property taxes, but he was utterly unaware of what proposals the General Assembly was considering along those lines. Regarding what DID come out of the Legislature, Mrs. Wannamaker said, "I’m glad that something was passed, but it might have been too hasty." Showing more knowledge than she admits, she observed that the compromise "may have shifted it to where the businesses will have to pay more taxes, which will defeat our purposes of trying to bring in more" economic development, which her district sorely needs.

She is unintimidated by Mr. Spires’ recent victory. "I’m excited about this challenge," she said. "I think I have a good chance."

Why?

"I’m known in the community," she said, and added significantly: "He is, too — but I’m known in the community."

Polite to the end, she said, "I do want to thank you for this interview," but "I am glad that we’re almost concluding it."

Finally, she said, "I’m running this campaign by faith. I’m led to do this." She referred us to Proverbs 3:5, which, I admit, I had to look up.

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Bill Cotty, S.C. House District 79

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Tuesday, 10:30 a.m. This is one of those races that make you wonder why we can’t spread political talent out a little more evenly in this state.

Incumbent Republican Bill Cotty, who was targeted by anti-public school forces and whom we gladly endorsed back in the June primary, is up against talented young newcomer Anton Gunn, whom we also were happy to support back in June.

If only one of them were running in some other district where the choices are a lot less appealing. But only one of these two men can be elected. Right now, the odds look better for Mr. Gunn than one usually expects with a challenger to a widely respected incumbent. The Democrat says he would win on his own. I don’t know about that, but I know he will be helped out by a challenge to Mr. Cotty from the right. Petition candidate Michael Letts — who has declined to be interviewed by this board — could pull enough Republican voters away to make the difference.

Voters are being offered a sandwich, says Mr. Cotty, and "I’m the meat in that sandwich."

"I’m a moderate Republican, and I’m proud of that," he says. As a result of his ability to work across party lines, "I … get things done."

Things such as getting the Confederate flag off the State House dome in 2000, tightening the state’s DUI limit to .08 percent blood-alcohol level, and doing away with the minibottle requirement that forced bars and restaurants to serve stiffer drinks. He was the House floor leader on all those bills.

"I can be a coalescing force," he said.

He also took the point on the complicated tax-shift plan that passed at the last minute this year. (It eliminated property taxes for school operations in exchange for a sales-tax increase, among other things.) But he is by no means satisfied with it. "I’m interested in substantial tax reform," and that didn’t qualify. He sees it as something that will serve until we can actually get comprehensive tax reform

Organizations that have spent money to get rid of Mr. Cotty, such as SCRG, would probably call him a defender of the status quo in public education. They like to tell lies like that, accusing the real school reformers of being mossbacks.

It could hardly be less true in Mr. Cotty’s case. Public education has been the passion that has driven his public service since he was first elected to the Richland 2 school board, and he has always been a change agent. "I’m about change," he said, "but change for the good, not just change."

He has been a critic of the Education Oversight Committee, which was supposed to drive innovation in schools, but which he believes has fallen short of its mission. Since he is now a member of it, that’s an even sharper indictment. That’s not the only failure he points to. "Allendale has been handed back still broken" after the state Department of Education’s intervention into that dysfunctional system. "Allendale has not been fixed, and it won’t be fixed by the folks in Allendale."

This fact leads to Mr. Cotty’s Big Idea: Having the state go into the troubled districts and creating state-run charter schools. This would provide a choice for those in failing schools, only this choice would actually be accountable to the taxpayers, unlike the private schools that Mr. Cotty’s critics want to throw money at.

"They are starved for choice," he says of students and parents in poor districts. "We need to take it to them," and bypass the sadly ineffective local boards in doing so. "Many of those communities think ‘success’ is ‘I got a grant.’

"They think ‘job creation’ is, ‘the government opened a new program.’" He sees his state charter school idea as a key to real economic development in some of the areas that need it the most.

The way they would be funded is that all school funding would follow the child — not the measly $1,000 or so of a tax credit (which poor folks couldn’t get anyway). "I’m talking about the whole $9,800" from all funding sources.

He welcomes criticism of his idea, which is still forming: "What I want is the idea on the table."

As for the PPIC crowd, "They’ll be absolutely opposed to my idea. Why? Because they won’t get a check" sent to each family — and that has always been at the heart of what political appeal the tax-credit idea has.

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