Category Archives: Government restructuring

‘Reform’ still an elusive term

The Coastal Conservation League’s Patty Pierce answered my message from yesterday thusly:

Brad,
    Brian White tried to do the same amendment that you are referring to at the Committee level because the staff drafted the bill incorrectly according to him.  Representative Lucas liked it this way, so he may have been the last legislator to speak to the staff when this section was drafted.  Nevertheless, Rep. White tried to get this corrected at the Committee level, but the Committee was tired and didn’t feel like talking about it that late night when they were trying to wrap things up on this bill, so he said he’d just do the amendment during the floor debate.  Everyone knew it was coming, and there was agreement on it.
    Personally, I think once the priorities are adopted that they should not be changed at all until the next time the priorities are supposed to be adopted by the Commission again.  Also, setting the priorities should also be the Commission’s job completely and not the Secretary of Transportation’s in the House bill, so I thought this was a good amendment. It kept the duties separated.  It didn’t make sense for the Secretary of Transportation to be able to reach across to the Commission and ask that the priorities be changed. The Secretary is supposed to run the day to day operations of the DOT in the House bill.  The Commission should set the transportation priorities.  I don’t like the 2/3rds vote to be able to change the transportation priorities, but I can sometimes see when I cannot be effective in changing the minds of some legislators, so I stayed out of this fight.
    I’m copying Elizabeth on this note to keep her in the loop.
    Send any other questions that you may have my way.  I’ll be glad to give you background material if it helps. 

patty

We may be miscommunicating here. I realize about what happened in committee. What I don’t understand is why, after working so hard to get sound priority-setting criteria in place, the League would go along with letting the commission — a commission, of all things, the very root of the current problem — toss the priorities any time 2/3 of them wanted to. At the very least, you would want them to have to wait until some other party — in this case, the secretary, who would supervise the people who actually have the wherewithal to set priorities on the basis of objective criteria rather than mere political whim — suggests the changes.

By eliminating that check, you place the commission just as much in the driver’s seat as it is now, setting all your vaunted reform at naught. And for this the league cast aside any thought of actual structural, fundamental reform?

Eliminating the commission — in any way, shape or form — is essential to accountability at this most unaccountable of agencies. Keep the commission, and you can kiss any other reforms you’ve worked for goodbye, because they won’t be around very long — especially if you agree to make it autonomous from the beginning.

Reform in dazzled eyes of beholder

Last night, the lobbyist for the Coastal Conservation League and its allies sent out this note to supporters about the House passage of the DOT plan that coalition had been pushing:

After
four hours of debate and consideration of 39 amendments, finally, the House
overwhelmingly approved
the
great DOT Reform bill,
H.3575,
crafted by Representative Young and her AdHoc Transportation Committee by a vote of 104-3.

H.3575
has ALL 5 of our
DOT Coalition’s DOT Reform Priorities
thanks to Representative
John Scott (D-Richland) Annette Young (R-Dorchester) and Christopher Hart
(D-Richland) who sponsored one final amendment this evening to require the DOT
to consider “reasonable transportation alternatives” prior to initiating new
construction of road and bridge projects. H.3575 also requires transportation projects to be justified and
prioritized according to engineering criteria, economic benefits, and
environmental impacts. Maintenance
funding is provided annually to address our $3 billion maintenance needs across
the state, and public hearings are required on large transportation
projects. WOW!

I’ll
set up a thank you note from our capwiz site, so we
can be sure to let House members know how much we appreciate their making reform
of the DOT a top priority this year. Please also help me thank Representative Young in particular for her
terrific leadership on this most important issue.  I am certain that we would never have achieved
the goals we set for DOT Reform without her constant efforts to push DOT Reform
forward every step of the way.

Thank
you Coalition members for all of your hard work on this issue and your support
through this rigorous process.  Our
Coalition could not have come this far without you!

Tomorrow
afternoon the Senate will continue debate on S.355, its
DOT Reform Bill. I am feeling very
hopeful about the Senate debate. I understand that amendments will be offered to
strengthen our Coalition’s priorities in S.355, and it seems Senators are
pulling together.  I’ll write again by
the end of the week with an update on the Senate’s progress.

Great
Job Everyone!

 

Patty
Pierce

League
Lobbyist

pattyp@scccl.org

Here’s my concern about that (aside from the fact that the coalition’s idea of great reform falls short of mine):

    But Patty,
didn’t they do a last-minute amendment that stripped out something that was
important to you? My understanding is that the amendment fixed it so that the
commission could change the priority list WITHOUT the recommendation of the
secretary. (This is something that apparently escaped notice in newspaper
reports.)
    It seems that
would pretty much undo the reforms y’all are seeking — not to mention not even
attempting to do what I see as essential. Even though it would take a 2/3 vote,
the commission would still be in the driver’s seat as to whether to continue
applying the reform y’all have worked so hard for.

    That’s the
trouble with these overly elaborate, fragmented governing structures — the
slightest change undoes all your efforts to change the way the agency does
business. That stuff is harder to hide with a Cabinet. That’s why structural
reform is, and has always been, the FIRST step — so you can enact deeper
changes with some hope that they will stick.
I wrote a note to Patty along those lines, copying it to Elizabeth Hagood. I haven’t heard back from them yet. For their sake, I’m hoping I heard wrong, or that they have a good reason to think it’s OK anyway (and aren’t just whistling in the dark).

I think what the House came up with was bad enough without the coalition’s agenda getting shafted, too. But that would be par for the course for the Legislative State.

 

REAL reform, but not really

Meanwhile, the House has also been jockeying about with DOT reform. It’s a little harder to tell the good guys from the bad with the game-playing going on in that chamber.

Rep. Tracy Edge (the main guy pushing the latest incarnation of PPIC today), put up an amendment Tuesday to abolish the transportation commission and make the DOT a Cabinet agency. He spent only a couple of minutes arguing for the amendment, and it certainly sounded cynical: If we’re going to reform the department, let’s have REAL reform. This is, after all, the man who recently told The Sun News "I have a hard time seeing that the system was bad for Horry County, so why change it?" And his amendment was offered right after he and others lost their attempt to let local legislators continue to select commissioners, rather than letting the full Legislature select them.

One other note: The amendment was inartfully drawn; it does not make clear that the governor can remove the secretary, although that is strongly implied. That probably wasn’t deliberate — merely a reflection of the author’s insincerity.

No one felt threatened enough by the amendment even to ask a question, much less speak against it. Rep. Cooper merely moved to table it, and the House complied. The vote is below, from the Journal.

Rep. EDGE explained the amendment.
Rep. COOPER moved to table the amendment.
Rep. EDGE demanded the yeas and nays which were taken, resulting as follows:

Yeas 71; Nays 36
Those who voted in the affirmative are:

Agnew                  Alexander              Anthony
Bannister              Battle                 Bowen
Bowers                 Branham                Breeland
R. Brown               Cato                   Chalk
Chellis                Clyburn                Cobb-Hunter
Cooper                 Crawford               Dantzler
Frye                   Funderburk             Govan
Gullick                Hamilton               Harrell
Hart                   Hinson                 Hiott
Hosey                  Howard                 Huggins
Jefferson              Kelly                  Kirsh
Leach                  Limehouse              Littlejohn
Loftis                 Lowe                   Lucas
Mack                   Mahaffey               McLeod
Miller                 Moss                   J. H. Neal
J. M. Neal             Owens                  Parks
Perry                  Pinson                 E. H. Pitts
Rutherford             Scarborough            Scott
Sellers                Shoopman               Simrill
Skelton                D. C. Smith            G. R. Smith
J. R. Smith            Spires                 Taylor
Thompson               Umphlett               Walker
Whipper                White                  Whitmire
Williams               Young
Total–71

Those who voted in the negative are:
Anderson               Bales                  Ballentine
Barfield               Bedingfield            Bingham
Brady                  Brantley               Ceips
Clemmons               Cotty                  Davenport
Delleney               Duncan                 Edge
Hagood                 Haley                  Hardwick
Harrison               Hayes                  Herbkersman
Hodges                 Jennings               Kennedy
Knight                 Merrill                Mulvaney
Neilson                Ott                    G. M. Smith
Stavrinakis            Toole                  Vick
Viers                  Weeks                  Witherspoon

Total–36

Response to Rushmore

I very much appreciate the insights provided by new correspondent Rushmore, who, based on intimate knowledge with the subject, begs to differ with some of my observations.

I have a few things to say in response to his/her last remarks on this post, and they’re sufficiently involved that I decided to make it a separate post, to raise the profile of this debate at a critical moment (DOT reform comes back up in the Senate Tuesday).

First, I want to say to Rushmore that I’m sorry if I seemed dismissive. I’m just extremely impatient because after all these years, we have a good chance to change, fundamentally, the relationship between this agency and the people of South Carolina for the better.

To toss aside that chance for the sake of promises that whoever runs it, it will make better decisions in a particular operational area is to miss the opportunity, and they don’t come around that often.

One can push new criteria for setting road priorities ANY time. It’s a highly worthwhile procedural reform, but it doesn’t have nearly the potential for sweeping, positive change that fundamental restructuring has.

The problem may lie in our metaphors. I’ve only met Elizabeth Hagood once, and was quite favorably impressed. Very smart lady. But she and I have gone back and forth on the suitability of her "fix the car" metaphor. As she put it in the video I posted:

If you’ve got a car that’s not working, and you change drivers, you’ve still got a car that’s not working.

She considers restructuring to be the equivalent of changing the driver. I don’t. I say that restructuring is a fundamental change in the kind of vehicle you have — as basic as shift from the internal combustion engine to electric (just to plug another of my videos).

By contrast, implementing new priority-setting protocols is more like deciding what sort of map you’re going to use in determining where the car is going to go. That’s very important, no doubt — no point in having a car if it doesn’t take you where you want to go.

But if I’ve got a chance to get a new car, a better car, that will better suit what a car should be — say, if I could trade in my ’97 Buick for a new Toyota Hybrid Camry (slobber) … well, I’m going to grab that chance, and talk about what sort of map to use and where I want to go after I leave the showroom.

The League and its allies determined early that they would, in Rushmore‘s terms…

… stay out of the debate over DOT’s
management restructuring because addressing this issue would place
conservation groups right in the middle of the eternal and ridiculous
turf war between the Senate and the Governor

That misses the point. The choice in restructuring isn’t between the Legislature and the governor and what they want. It’s between good government and bad, between an agency that is accountable to the people of South Carolina and one that isn’t. The idea that getting the structure of government right is "ridiculous" would be a terrible shock to James Madison.

Anyway, my great hope is that the folks in that coalition, and other reformers such as Vincent Sheheen, will give John Courson’s proposal — which now includes all the things the coalition has worked hard for — a serious look when he presents it again tomorrow.

Let’s not look a gift car in the mouth. Or grill. Or whatever.

DOT reform column

Would-be DOT reformers
need to start pulling together

By Brad Warthen
Editorial Page Editor
THE GOOD GUYS really need to pull in the same direction if we’re to get anything that even the most easy-going person in the world would call “reform” at the S.C. Department of Transportation.
    That hasn’t been happening:
    Last week, Sen. John Courson proposed an amendment that would simply have done the right thing:Courson
Put this executive agency in the governor’s Cabinet, making it directly accountable, without any frustrating filters or buffers of any kind, to the chief executive elected by the people of our state.
    He proposed “a clean, a very clear, a very simple bill.” It would have fixed the thing that is wrong with DOT — its commission — by doing away with it.
    If you try to run an agency through a group, a committee, a commission, you will once again get what we have: an entity with multiple entry and exit points for decision-making, so that you can’t track how something happened or didn’t happen and do something about it. Lawmakers who want this agency to continue to be their personal candy store are dead set on keeping this structure, preferably appointed by them. They might let the governor appoint the commissioners, as long as he can’t remove them.
    A commission can’t turn efficiently when it’s on a bad course. The inertial center of the General Assembly dreads changing direction more than anything.
    The House, and Senate committees, have tinkered and argued over the best way to continue to keep a commission and make it look like reform.
    Sen. Courson said to forget all that and make the agency accountable. Setzler_2
Twelve senators voted with him: Kevin Bryant, Chip Campsen, Ronnie Cromer, Mike Fair, Larry Grooms, Wes Hayes, Larry Martin, Harvey Peeler, Jim Ritchie, Greg Ryberg, Nikki Setzler and Lewis Vaughn — all Republicans except Sen. Setzler.
    That means the proposal was defeated, 26-13.Hayes

    Sen. Courson says he’ll try again Tuesday. Unless more reform-minded people work with him, the status quo will win.
    Sen. Vincent Sheheen wants reform. He is a sincere advocate of good government who comes from a line of good-government advocates. But he voted against the Courson proposal.
    “I try to approach government in a very pragmatic fashion,” he said. “Not in terms of what would be ideal.” He’s had the chance to observe South Carolina government his whole life, and he knows what an alien concept “ideal” can be to our state’s decision-makers.
    Besides, he’s not convinced that a Cabinet is “ideal.” If you make it too easy to change the agency, he believes it will lose “stability” and professionalism. He envisions a parade of political appointees passing through the director’s job.
    He would keep the commission for continuity’s sake, but let the governor both appoint commissioners and fire them at will.
    I tried to get him to convince me that you can’t have a parade of hacks with a commission, with the added problem of not knowing whose hacks they were, and I’m afraid he didn’t succeed.
    We agreed on one thing, though: “There are a lot of people who’d like to see nothing happen.” There are more of them than there are people like him. In fact, more people voted for the Courson plan than there are people like Vincent Sheheen.
    Patty Pierce lobbies for the Coastal Conservation League, which has taken a lead role in a broad coalition of groups “calling for real reform, including: making the agency accountable to the public, requiring that road projects meet a real public need and making sure that the most important projects are funded first.”
    That’s a lot to try to get at once, so the league and its allies have concentrated more on the public-need-and-priority stuff than on pushing an accountable structure.
    They would keep a commission, but insist on rational procedures for setting road priorities.
These good people have worked hard at this — through the House and Senate committees and now out onto the floor — and they were much taken aback by Sen. Courson.
    “His amendment completely struck the bill that we had been working on for four months,” said Ms. Pierce.
    As one who’s pushed the Cabinet approach for 16 years, I started asking why she thought any priority-setting criteria that they were promised would ever last past next legislative session, and various other cynical questions, so she referred me to Elizabeth Hagood, the league’s director of conservation programs.
Hagood_005
    She said it’s less a matter of the four months of work, and more a matter of the coalition having decided early to stay out of the politically divisive issue of who runs the agency, and concentrate instead on how it’s run.
    That seemed a shaky approach to me. If you have the wrong who, you’re much less likely to get the how that you are seeking. Wouldn’t a Cabinet appointee be far more likely actually to implement and stick to a rational set of priority-setting procedures? Isn’t it much easier for good-government types to nag, argue and embarrass a governor into doing the right thing? You can’t embarrass a commission.
    “I understand what you’re saying,” said Ms. Hagood. “Personally, I agree with what you’re saying.”
    Unfortunately, the league’s coalition consists of too many diverse partners who have agreed upon the course they are on: “We’re not set up to change direction in the 11th hour.”
    In other words… dramatic pause here… the league can’t change its direction and support the right plan because it’s run by a commission.
    I rest my case.

Elizabeth Hagood on DOT reform

A couple of months back, Elizabeth Hagood of the SC Coastal Conservation League came to talk to the editorial board about DOT reform.

Hagood
As my column today indicates, her coalition takes a different tack from ours on the subject. We’re about changing the governing structure to make it accountable. The League and its allies are about trying to nail down new procedures for deciding road priorities as part of the reform.

I continue to hold that you create an accountable structure before you trust it with specific policy approaches. Ignore structure for the sake of the Legislature’s promises on future policies, and you can’t hold either the agency OR the Legislature accountable for actually carrying such policies out.

Anyway, here you’ll find video of Ms. Hagood explaining the five points that they consider essential in changing the way DOT does business.

Cash? Where? How can I get some?

One might have expected any number of responses, ranging from outrage to indifference, to Cindi’s recent columns about the outrageous way that lawmakers came up with to dole out millions in pork without the least chance of veto or any other form of accountability.

But I didn’t expect this response, even though I suppose I should have.

Cindi got an email this morning from an enterprising individual in the private sector, posing the following question:

Is it too late to
submit an application for the grants you mentioned in today’s paper?  If not,
how do I find out how to apply for one?
I am not making this up. Of course, you are now thinking, this is just somebody being ironic, right? Well, Cindi treated it as a serious question, responding:

I think I remember
that the application period is still open.  If you go to the Budget and Control
Board page on the sc.gov homepage (http://www.bcb.sc.gov/BCB/BCB-index.phtm),
there’s a link to "competitive grants" at the top of the rail on the
left.

We’re all about providing news you can use around here. She was, of course, curious to see what the guy would say next. His response:

Thanks and
I appreciate the quick response.

Now maybe he was just staying in character and keeping the gag going. But there are a lot of people in this world upon whom irony is utterly lost. If you don’t believe me, look at a lot of the feedback I get on this blog.

Reform gets fragged

Reform gets fragged
in the S.C. Senate

By Brad Warthen
Editorial Page Editor
“Here we are clinging to this antiquated system just like we clung to segregation, just like we clung to Jim Crow. I don’t mean to equate them, but in South Carolina it takes a long time to get over bad ideas.”
                                — Sen. Greg Gregory

ONCE AGAIN, the Senate has rejected the idea of letting voters decide whether they want to have a governor they can hold accountable for what state agencies do, or nine separate little governors pulling the state apart.
    Not all of the Senate, mind you. Just enough of them to ensure failure, to keep government fragmented so that it can’t ever get its act together.
    Whom can we hold accountable? Well, I can’t tell you. It was done in such a classic, befuddled manner that it is virtually impossible to fix blame. That, of course, is the hallmark of the Legislative State.
    We must applaud in spite of ourselves. It was a thing of great subtlety, even beauty, if you’re theSenate_003_1
sort who is turned on by stagnation: “The Senate, Now More Than Ever,” as the old bumper sticker said the last time senators deflected and diluted reform.
    It’s poetic. The problem with having the adjutant general, superintendent of education, agriculture commissioner, etc., all elected separately from the governor is that there is no coordination between their agencies and the rest of the state government. So when roads are falling apart, rural schools aren’t educating kids, prisons are about to burst, we have more state colleges than neighboring states but none as good as they do, and so forth, we can’t hold anybody responsible. (Is it any wonder so few South Carolinians bother to vote?)
    Some senators like fragmentation, so they “fragged” the plan to do away with it. And no one can tell who threw the grenade.
    A majority of senators voted to put the elected schools chief, the ag commissioner, the adjutant general and secretary of state on the chopping block — but they needed a two-thirds majority. Having the governor and lieutenant governor run on the same ticket didn’t even get 50 percent. The only office a sufficient number of senators were willing to risk a public vote on was comptroller general, and that’s just because he “asked for it.” Afterwards, even some of the reform-minded were saying, ah, what’s the use of changing just one of them. So we might not even get that. A true muddle.
    Just for fun, just so we can fully appreciate this ancient art, let’s try to fix blame (this will at least amuse the senators):

  • Start with the easy part: the 10 who didn’t support reform on any of the votes — Robert Ford, Darrell Jackson, John Land, Phil Leventis, Gerald Malloy, John Matthews, Yancey McGill, Kay Patterson, Clementa Pinckney and Glenn Reese. But others had to join with them, in shifting coalitions, to deny the supermajority in the half-dozen votes.
  • Was it Senate President Pro Tem Glenn McConnell, who had promised the governor a quick vote on the matter — and delivered just that, a vote without debate, held before the votes were lined up? He would be a prime suspect, given his history as a defender of legislative prerogative. Do we really believe that he of all people would have so mishandled the matter accidentally? But we can’t prove that, and must therefore give him credit for being sincere. People do change, you know.
  • Was it Senate Democrats, who have become convinced that the only statewide office a member of their party can aspire to is superintendent of education, and they don’t want to give that up? Or were the Dems just trying to stick it to a Republican governor? Well, all 10 above were Democrats, but the Senate just isn’t partisan enough to make it that simple. There were Republican “nays” on some votes. Besides, Vincent Sheheen voted for all the changes, and surely, he is a Democrat.
  • Maybe it was just the small-“d” democrats who believe that the people shouldn’t have the right to vote on every minor official taken away from them? Certain senators did wrap themselves in that. But it’s just not credible that they really believe it. Try this: Ask the next 10 voters you meet to name the nine statewide officers, and then ask yourself: If they don’t know who they are, how are they supposed to hold them accountable? The long ballot dilutes the will of the voters, and that’s the only thing it does efficiently. Besides, if you care so much about the people’s will, why won’t you at least let them vote on whether they want to change?
  • The Senate is more about personal relationships than about party. So-o-o … was it yet another case of friends of one constitutional officer making deals with the friends of other constitutional officers, plus senators who might themselves want to be constitutional officers someday, in order to get just barely a large-enough minority to kill the thing? That’s always worked in the past. But where do you grab ahold of that kind of multidirectional backscratching so you can stop it?

    Well, you don’t. You can’t. Truth is, you can’t blame any of the above causes, because it was most likely several of them, working together. You can’t blame any one phenomenon, party, faction or ego. If you try to fight it, you’ll be overwhelmed by Lilliputians before you decide which way to swing your sword.
    Now mind you, I’m not saying there should be any one person running the Senate (sorry, Sen. McConnell). A legislative body should represent and balance diverse views on the way to making laws.
    But an executive branch should not be that way. Once everybody’s had their say, and the law is a fact, somebody needs to be charged with carrying it out. At the point of execution, diverse interests are a distraction, an obstacle, a waste of money. We have all that and more in South Carolina.
And there’s nobody to blame — except maybe you, if you continue to sit still for this.

For how they all voted, click on this.

Outrage

Sorry. I buried the lead on that one. A colleague had earlier brought the Andre nonsense to my attention, and I had made a mental note to post something on it.

When the Senate actually REJECTED this critical legislation — in a classic, befuddled manner that renders it virtually impossible to fix blame, which is of course the hallmark of the Legislative State — I failed to pause to pass on the enormity of it to you. I figured we’d save the important stuff for the paper.

Scratch that plan.

The Senate’s action today is nothing short of a big, fat middle finger flipped at the people of South Carolina, as senators once again say "Hell, no!" to a commonsense effort to construct a rational form of government.

They insist upon sticking to the Ben Tillman formula. Well, this newspaper was founded in 1891 to fight Ben Tillman, and we’re not done, not by a long sight. You will hear more, much more, from us on this.

Meanwhile, to save you the trouble of following links, here is the AP’s story:

m1088 scsc-nbx
AP-SC XGR SANFORD AGENDA, 1ST LD-WRITETHRU
Sanford’s constitutional officer agenda dies in Senate
Eds: AMs. UPDATES throughout.
By JIM DAVENPORT
Associated Press Writer
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) – State senators scuttled Gov. Mark Sanford’s plan to have voters decide whether several statewide offices should be appointed by the governor.
    Sanford lost mostly party-line votes Wednesday, with senators only giving the necessary two-thirds approval to eliminating elections for comptroller general.
    The Republican-controlled Senate gave majority approval to whether the state’s education superintendent, agriculture commissioner, National Guard chief or secretary of state are elected or appointed, but all fell short of the two-thirds needed. And a bill requiring governors and lieutenant governors to run on a joint ticket couldn’t muster a majority.
    The bills that didn’t pass were sent back to the Senate Judiciary Committee to die. "I’m not putting them back on the agenda," committee chairman Glenn McConnell said.
    It was a disappointment for the Republican governor, whose re-election campaign was filled with calls to modernize and streamline state government and give governors more control of day-to-day state operations.
    Sanford said senators show a lack of faith in letting the people of South Carolina decide if their government was inefficient.
    Power "is hard to give up and there is a minority in the Senate who are working to protect an antiquated, inefficient and unaccountable government structure," the governor said in a prepared statement.
    Wednesday’s votes means South Carolina’s "governor will continue to be one of the weakest in the nation," said Sen. Chip Campsen, R-Isle of Palms.
    Sen. Chauncey "Greg" Gregory noted that probably 90 percent of the voters couldn’t even name the state’s agriculture commissioner and many of the rest wouldn’t know his name unless they’d seen it on a gas pump’s certification sticker or a campaign sign.
    The Senate is clinging to the idea of having all those elected offices "just like we clung to segregation, just like we clung to Jim Crow" and the Confederate flag flying at the Statehouse, said Gregory, R-Lancaster.
    South Carolina "takes a long time to get over bad ideas," Gregory said.
And even the bill getting rid of elections for comptroller general may not survive. It now just needs a majority vote to get to the House, but if an amendment is attached to the bill, it would trigger another two-thirds vote, said McConnell, R-Charleston.
    If a second two-thirds vote is taken, some senators may change their minds. "Are we really accomplishing anything with one office?" asked Sen. Vincent Sheheen, D-Camden, who voted for all the bills except the one involving the lieutenant governor.
    Sanford isn’t giving up. He said he plans to take his case to voters and talk to them "about the unwillingness of many in office to make those changes."
    The governor will also push the House to pass similar bills, even though McConnell said the Senate won’t reconsider them.
    Sanford also will continue to push his plan to restructure some state agencies, spokesman Joel Sawyer said.
    The decision to pass the bill allowing the governor to appoint a comptroller general was easy because Comptroller General Richard Eckstrom told voters the office should be appointed as he campaigned for re-election and asked legislators Tuesday to make his office an example for government restructuring, said Sen. Jake Knotts, R-West Columbia.
    "Be careful what you ask for, you might get it," Knotts said.

Andre’s still got it, whatever it is

The S.C. Senate proved yet again it can still make mincemeat of the most common-sense reforms as it basically rejected a fundamental element of government modernization — putting the elected chief executive in charge of the executive branch.

Here’s the AP story
on today’s foolishness, in case you possess the requisite energy to click on it.

I’ll go ahead and quote my favorite part (be sure to brace yourself so you don’t get whiplash between the second and third paragraphs):

    Lt. Gov. Andre Bauer showed up at Sanford’s news conference at the Statehouse, but wouldn’t publicly say whether he supported the changes. Bauer didn’t want his personal feelings to influence the debate he will preside over.
    "I think that could drastically influence" the vote, Bauer said.
    Bauer, who controls the debate in the Senate by recognizing speakers, said he wouldn’t hand the gavel to someone else during the discussions about his office.

Yes, that’s right. He won’t express his opinion, because it allegedly would have such weight in influencing the debate. But he won’t step aside from actually presiding over the debate.

Sure, he had that crash last year and all, but ol’ Andre hasn’t lost a bit of the hop on his patented screwball, which thus far has never failed to strike out any rational, ethical batter who dares to stand at the plate against him.

But the fans love it.

Sanford and Rex column

Sanford, Rex should work together
on common reform goals

By BRAD WARTHEN
EDITORIAL PAGE EDITOR
“I think there is a lot of common ground, and hopefully we’ll find it.”
    — Jim Rex,
    superintendent of education,
    on reform ideas that both he
    and Gov. Mark Sanford support

Gov. Mark Sanford is the most prominent advocate of converting South Carolina’s separately elected constitutional offices into Cabinet posts. He is also probably the biggest political impediment to such essential reform.
    One day after Sen. Glenn McConnell delivered
on his promise to get constitutional officers legislation out of committee, a Democratic senator said what so many have said before: He sees the merit in consolidating the executive branch, but the idea of giving the governor power to appoint the superintendent of education really gives him heartburn.
    And no wonder. This governor showed virtually no interest in our schools in his first term, beyond leading an all-out campaign to undermine taxpayer confidence in the very idea of public education, and pay parents to desert it.
    But that was then. Now, with a new term, and a new superintendent, there’s an opportunity for progress — if the governor (and the superintendent of education, but I’m less worried about him) will seize it.
    Based on what Mr. Sanford has said over the past four years, and what Jim Rex said during the 2006 campaign, there are significant reform ideas that both of them favor.
    If they are serious about these ideas, they should get behind them with all their might:

  • Merit pay for teachers. Mr. Rex has told teachers they’d better get used to the idea of being paid according to their performance, rather than just by the old standards of degrees and longevity. The governor has proposed that.
  • More educational “choice.” Mr. Rex, who has the support of the very forces who have most resisted the governor’s “choice” advocacy (which has unfortunately focused primarily on promoting private schools), wants parents to be able to choose the public schools their children attend.
  • Comprehensive tax reform. This would help beyond education, but it is essential to fixing the inequitable way schools are funded across the state.
  • School district consolidation. The governor would reduce the state’s wasteful, duplicative archipelago of 85 districts to one per county. Mr. Rex wouldn’t go that far — he suspects that some counties, such as Horry, are too big for a single administration — but he sees the need for some consolidation of districts, and certainly sharing services across district lines. There seems room for an alliance between them on at least the concept.

    The concept is simple common sense. Some of the worst schools in the state are in some of the tiniest, least rationally conceived, districts. There is a crying need for consolidation, and a fierce resistance that has kept the Legislature deaf to it.
    Ditto with the other ideas, which have been mightily resisted by what detractors call the “education establishment” — a constituency that lawmakers have been loathe to offend.
    But if both of these statewide elected officials really poured their considerable political capital — the governor was re-elected by the greatest margin in 16 years, and Mr. Rex has the almost total support of the most critical constituencies — into these fundamental reforms, our state could be transformed.
    That would, incidentally, also advance the idea of putting the state Department of Education — which presides over nearly half of state spending — where it should be, under the authority of future governors. Ironically, Mr. Rex actually opposes that. But if education advocates could for once see this governor publicly backing serious proposals for positive change, and see Mr. Rex behind those same ideas, they could be reassured that maybe the governor’s office isn’t an inherently destructive force.
    Can it happen? I don’t know. The governor has expended little energy on pushing these ideas in the past. For that matter, we’ve yet to confirm whether Mr. Rex is more than talk — and senior Sanford adviser Tom Davis has expressed doubts that the superintendent will be able to stand firm in the face of opposition within his own party.
    But so far Mr. Rex has been the guy pushing. He initiated a meeting with the governor several weeks ago. He says both “talked candidly about the belief that we had a lot of common ground.”
    “Yeah,” said the governor when I asked him about it. “We’ve had a couple of visits, and they’ve been pleasant, and um, I think productive. I like his style; he seems to be very matter of fact. Ummm. So, yeah.”
    When the governor went no further, Mr. Davis jumped in to say there was “tremendous opportunity” to work together on these issues. But the governor’s staff still seems to wonder how far Mr. Rex would go with them.
    If I were Mr. Rex, I’d be wondering to what degree the governor’s commitment exceeds lip service. But there’s one way for everyone to be sure: Come out together on these issues in a huge, public way, each binding the other with his unmistakable commitment.
    The governor was also friendly, in a noncommittal way, with Inez Tenenbaum at the start of his first term. But all that evaporated when he and well-funded out-of-state allies started attacking public schools outright in pushing his tax credit idea. “It was just all-out war after that,” Mrs. Tenenbaum recalls.
    If both the governor and the new superintendent would seize the chance to have a much more positive relationship than that, it would be good for Mark Sanford, good for Jim Rex, and very good for South Carolina.

Quote of the Day

"Andie MacDowell
driving the Mary Kay pink Cadillac with the entire cast of ‘Nip/Tuck’ couldn’t
make this report look pretty."

That’s state Sen. Harvey Peeler, R-Gaffney, as quoted in the Post and Courier. He was talking about a new audit report on the S.C. Department of Transportation. Here’s what the Associated Press had to say about it later in the day, after it was released:

AP-SC DOT AUDIT, 4TH LD-WRITETHRU
Audit: S.C. Transportation Department is wasteful
Eds: ADDS last graph with additional comment from Sanford

By SEANNA ADCOX
Associated Press Writer
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) – The South Carolina Transportation Department wastes millions of dollars even though it has limited funds to build and maintain its roads and bridges, according to a state audit released Tuesday.
    Legislators asked the state Legislative Audit Council last year to review the agency’s operations and spending.
    "I was concerned about things I was hearing. I believed the audit would actually show there might be minor issues but nothing major," said House Speaker Bobby Harrell, R-Charleston, who wrote the request. "As it turned out, there are huge issues."
    The tens of millions of dollars wasted could be used to maintain roads, he said in an interview via cell phone, as his car hit a pothole on U.S. Highway 17 in Charleston.
    The 70-page report found the department paid twice as much as necessary to hire temporary employees, wasted $32 million on unnecessarily high management fees, prepaid nearly $9 million for projects eliminated from two ongoing contracts and spent $3 million on an extra project the federal government required in 2002 because of environmental violations.
    "This report shows something needs to be done," said Sen. Harvey Peeler, R-Gaffney. He is chairman of one of two Senate subcommittees that will meet Thursday to hear the audit council’s review and then meet Friday to hear the Transportation Department’s response.
    "It seems like some of these things have been whispered about over some time," he said. "This actually puts it in writing."
    Harrell said he planned to form a special House subcommittee to review the audit and make recommendations.
    The Transportation Department said the audit "contains many inaccuracies and misleading conclusions that misinform the Legislature and the public."
    Peeler said he was especially concerned by allegations the department tried to keep their cash balances low during the legislative session, when lawmakers craft the state budget. The report said the department may have lost more than $1.5 million in interest over two fiscal years by delaying billing the federal government for reimbursements.
    For more than a year, the chairman of the commission that governs the agency has repeatedly asked Director Elizabeth Mabry to resign.
    Mabry said earlier this month there is nothing in the report that would make her consider resigning, but she wished she had a better relationship with Transportation Commission Chairman Tee Hooper, who was appointed by Republican Gov. Mark Sanford.
    Hooper said the commission will discuss the report at a meeting later this month.
    "There definitely needs to be action," he said. "I’m anxious to see what the commission thinks needs to be done now. I’ve made myself clear over the last year and a half."
    Hooper stressed the audit is about management, not the agency’s employees. "The DOT has some really great employees _ a dedicated, hardworking group of people," he said. "It has to do with executive management decisions either made or not made."
    The Transportation Department’s written response to the audit said it found no significant problems in programs that make up 99 percent of the department’s expenses.
    The agency points to a report by the California-based Reason Foundation that ranks South Carolina second nationwide in cost-effectiveness, and its award for excellence in financial reporting from the Government Finance Officers Association of the United States and Canada.
    The agency stresses it has saved taxpayers more than $3 billion by cramming 27 years of building projects _ more than 200 _ into seven years.
    Last month, Mabry wrote an opinion piece accusing Hooper of trying to destroy the agency’s reputation so the governor could take it over.
    Sanford has wanted to make the director an appointed member of his Cabinet. He said the report clearly shows that "meaningful structural change" is needed.
    "Whether it’s overpaying by tens of millions for contracts, purposeful manipulation of account balances, or violating state law when it comes to temporary employees, this report is disturbing to me and should be disturbing to anyone who cares about taxpayers and anyone who cares about our state’s infrastructure," the governor said.
    Sanford, re-elected last week, said reforming the agency will be a top priority next year, and that should happen before the agency gets more money.
    Peeler said he does not support ousting Mabry.
    "I like Miss Mabry. I don’t think she should be the sacrificial lamb," he said. "I don’t want to say we fired the director and now everything’s OK. I want to make the agency better."
    Sanford said the agency’s response is particularly disturbing.
    Rather than acknowledge problems, "the DOT has chosen to try and shoot the messenger and go on the attack against the Legislative Audit Council," he said.
    Sanford called the council’s work unbiased and "straightforward in laying out problems or challenges that we might face. So the idea that they have some ax to grind is completely at odds with what I think has been fairly noble work over the years."

The solution to this problem is painfully obvious. This agency answers to no one. There is no way to hold it politically accountable under our current system of government. Consider it Exhibit A as to why we need to make the executive branch accountable to the elected chief executive, as Gov. Mark Sanford has been advocating for several years, and as we at this newspaper have been advocating for about a decade longer than that.

Lawmakers can study and wring their hands over this one audit all they want. But until they toss out this Byzantine system by which we run our highway department, nothing will get better.

Glenn Lindman, adjutant general

Lindman1

Wednesday, 10 a.m. — This is a very interesting situation. The voters of South Carolina have a tricky choice before them — a choice they shouldn’t even have to make. They must decide who will lead the state’s military arm, the National Guard.

Here are some of the factsergors involved:

  • The incumbent is 69-year-old Stanhope Sifford Spears, a former Democrat-turned-Republican (how weird is that — an American military leader having to decide a party affiliation in order to hold office?) who has held the position of adjutant general for 12 years. He is the only state Guard leader in the nation elected rather than appointed.
  • The challenger is Glenn Lindman, a 46-year-old Iraq War veteran and Bronze Star recipient. He is a Democrat.
  • By virtue of his elective office, Mr. Spears wears the uniform of a major general (two-star).
  • The next-most-senior officer in the Guard is a general.
  • Challenger Lindman’s highest rank in the Guard was first sergeant.
  • But, Mr. Lindman points out, Mr. Spears is not a federally recognized general officer, either. In fact, he’s too old to hold such a post in the regular military. But he won’t retire, and since he is an independently elected state constitutional officer, no one can make him retire — another thing that makes him unique among American military leaders.
  • Mr. Lindman thinks the adjutant general should be appointed by the governor, using a set of standards to make sure the appointee is qualified. Gen. Spears, not surprisingly, likes the present system. After all, it’s worked for him.
  • The Democrat assumes that any standards adopted under the process he advocates would require that the adjutant general be a federally recognized general officer, or of sufficiently high rank to be promotable to general. That would eliminate first sergeants, to say the least.
  • But since there are no military qualifications to hold the position of S.C. adjutant general, there is nothing barring a sergeant — or indeed, a civilian with no military experience whatsoever — from holding the position. All you have to do is get enough people to vote for you. It’s command by popularity, rather than merit — a most unAmerican concept.
  • The state constitution is unlikely to be changed to allow the AG to be appointed as long as the incumbent opposes the change. That’s the way our Legislature works. They’re a very polite bunch. Not all over, but in spots — and this is one of the spots.
  • So, going by the choices available to us in this election, the only way we might switch to a rational system that would keep NCOs from commanding generals is if the first sergeant is elected over the general. As Mr. Lindman puts it from an NCO’s perspective, this might be another case in which "the NCO fixes the problem and hands if back to the officers — and that’s a familiar theme in the military."
  • Beyond the issue of rank, Mr. Spears has never commanded troops in combat; Mr. Lindman has.
  • But isn’t it more of an administrative job than that of a warrior? Remember, Eisenhower never had a combat command either, before being Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force that whipped Hitler. Fine, says the former first sergeant. He’ll stack his up his managerial experience as former head of a computer company against that of insurance man Spears any day.

Mr. Lindman has a lot of gripes against MGen. Spears. For one thing, when his unit — at the time the largest group, with 680 people, to deploy to Iraq — went off to war, the general did not see them off. Nor did he welcome them home. Instead, they were greeted by a Reserve general from North Carolina.

Worse, a lot of the men were stuck over there without transport home, and Gen. Spears had put out a release saying they were all home. This upset some family members who knew their soldiers weren’t home. Congressman Bob Inglis intervened to get them home. Meanwhile, Gen. Spears and some other senior officers had gone to a conference in Hawaii. Hence the welcome-home-by-proxy.

That’s the past. Mr. Lindman is more concerned about the future. He said he was in a strategy meeting in which senior Guard officers were plotting how to get Washington to choose the state’s 218th Brigade for a dangerous mission in Afghanistan previously handled by the 82nd Airborne. Mr. Lindman looked around and saw that no one else in the room was wearing a combat badge.

One delegation was sent to Washington to try to get that combat assignment, and failed. A second one went, and succeeded. So 1,800 South Carolinians will be going over to hunt the resurgent Taliban (including Lt. James Smith, previously featured on this blog).

Mr. Lindman doesn’t think a bunch of officers sitting behind desks should be volunteering S.C. Guardsmen for this mission, and he’s cynical about the motive: "Why are we pushing the envelope? It’s a money issue."

"It’s about getting the 218th Brigade a mission so that the 218th Brigade won’t leave" the state. "We’re sending troops into harm’s way over an issue of money."

Not that he’s got anything against Americans fighting in Afghanistan. As far as current operational theaters go, "I think the moral high ground is Afghanistan… I have no qualms at all" about the mission there.

However, "I think Iraq was a mistake." If there had been WMD, that would have been different, he says. He believes the nation is more vulnerable to threats from Iran, North Korea and the like. "They all know we’re tied up in Iraq, so it encourages them to be adventurous."

But he went there, and he did his duty, doing convoy protection duty 30 times. As a result, he "saw a lot of the country." His unit supported the assault on Fallujah, and "was with the Brits when they retook Ramadi."

"The level of danger was extremely high," he said. There was hardly a mission without an IED going off, or small arms fire on the convoy. "We lost no one, but we did have wounded." He spoke of one S.C. Guardsman who lost an arm.

The missions involved riding Humvees armed with a .50-cal. machine gun or a Mark 19 automatic grenade launcher — at first. But the grenades, they discovered, had a way of failing to detonate when they hit sand — just thunk, and nothing. They came to prefer a mounted M240 machine gun, which was easier to traverse downward when the enemy got too close to the vehicle.

Interestingly — or perhaps I should say, bizarrely — when his unit was training for this mission at Fort Dix, they had no Humvees to drive. So the men were required to stand in little groups pretending to be in a Humvee — you be the commander, and train your weapon out the window like this; you’re the driver, make like you’re holding the wheel and hold your weapon here; you’re the gunner, you stand this way and scan for threats — and then walk around that way.

"This is literally how we trained," he said. "We would walk endlessly down the road, pretending that we had vehicles." The gunners, because of the nature of their weapons, frequently had to walk backwards in these formations. (Trying to picture what he described, I see something that looks like a Monty Python sketch.)

Speaking of lack of resources, the first sergeant has a major beef with the incumbent over the maintenance of Guard armories. As The State’s Chuck Crumbo reported
earlier this month,

     The South Carolina National Guard faces a $60 million tab to repair and renovate most of its 65 armories.
    The buildings – most built in the 1960s and 1970s – are victims of deferred maintenance caused by a lack of state money, officials say.
    "We don’t fix most things that break," said Lt. Col. Jeff Hamrick, facilities manager.
That means roofs leak, window frames rust, and plumbing woes prompt soldiers to skip showers.
    Guard documents show:

  • 83.3 percent of all facilities are "marginally adequate" to support state and federal mission requirements.
  • 10.6 percent have "moderate" deficiencies that threaten units’ state and federal missions.
  • 6.1 percent have "major" deficiencies, meaning the facilities do not meet minimum standards.

    "Not only do some of the armories fail federal standards for usability," a Guard document reads, "but pose serious safety, recruiting and retention issues as well."

"That’s his asset management strategy," Mr. Lindman says of the incumbent. "Rather than manage it when it’s a small problem" — when a roof first starts to leak, for instance — he waits and has to ask for $60 million, the Democrat said.

"His management style is do nothing."

Mr. Spears has declined to be interviewed by the editorial board. I may or may not have a chance to talk with him and Mr. Lindman both next Monday night at 7:30 p.m. in their ETV debate. Tune in.

Lindman2_1

SGM gets it — so does this Unpartisan

Respondent SGM had such a pertinent question, expressed so well, on my last post that I feel compelled to highlight a large part of his comment — and then answer it gladly — in this separate item.

Here’s an excerpt from what he wrote:

    Since you bring up the Karen Floyd race for Superintendent of
Education, what a fine example of just how fragmented and weak our
state’s executive branch is. (It seems like the same principle is also
applied to the structure of most local mayors’ offices.)
    It almost seems like the state constitution was written explicitly
to make the executive branch as diluted and powerless as possible.
    Oh, wait a minute, I get it now, it was deliberate…
    OK.  So does your UnParty have a platform position on this issue?
    Seems to me that it would be in the interest of all (except the
state legislature) to have a stronger, unified governor’s office.
    From a political point of view, it would make the race for governor
actually mean something and allow both parties to run broader, more
intense campaigns. They could actually offer platforms that were
comprehensive and had actual chances of getting things done their way.
    Seems like the big party machines would look at this as an economy
of scale issue. Instead of spending campaign money and resources spread
out over several candidates with diverse issues and constituencies,
they could consolidate their efforts into a single race which might
engage more of the electorate.
    From the voters point of view, it would go a long way to giving us
some real accountability. We might get some representation that would
have actual authority to get things done and that we could hold
responsible if it’s not effective.
    As it stands now, nobody can be held responsible because they can
all point their fingers at other offices and claim that the authority
to take action has been withheld from them.

Amen, SGM! And yes! Maybe I can’t speak for the whole Unparty, but this Unpartisan could not agree more with your assessment of what is wrong with S.C. government. I spent the whole year of 1991 on a special project documenting exactly the problems of fragmentation that you outline. That series helped lead to the partial restructuring of the executive branch in 1993 — a reform that went a lot farther than many expected the Legislature to go, but not nearly far enough. Last year (trying once again to get some reform rolling in the Legislature), we ran a mini-series of editorials updating that project, which was on line, but disappeared. As we revamp our online editorial presence, I intend to restore those pieces.

Until then, here are some pieces that serve as a sort of primer on the issue, starting with a very few of the more than 100 articles in the original 1991 series:

From our 2005 recap:

And for a big finish, here’s the whole text of a column I wrote for 2/6/2005 as part of that recap series:

THE STATE
SHARDS OF POWER
Published on: 02/06/2005
Section: EDITORIAL
Edition: FINAL
Page: D2
BY BRAD WARTHEN
EDITORIAL PAGE EDITOR
YOU WANT the bumper-sticker version of what’s wrong with government in South Carolina?
    Fragmentation.
    At every level and in almost every area, government is chopped up into so many little shards that power is never sufficiently concentrated to allow any of those mini-governments to get much done. This so confuses and dissolves the lines of political accountability that voters seldom have any way of really knowing whom to blame for failure.
    At the state level, we have at least 85 agencies, many with overlapping responsibilities. A few are part of the governor’s Cabinet, but that’s only about a third of the government as measured by spending. Most of the rest are run by boards and commissions made up mostly of people you and I did not elect. A few are even run by people who are elected separately from the governor, and therefore have no political or legal mandate to cooperate with the governor or any other part of state government.
    Last week, opponents of fixing that last problem raised the usual specious argument that letting the governor appoint such specialized functionaries as the secretary of state and agriculture commissioner takes away the people’s right to choose their leaders. Try this: Go to the mall and ask the first 10 intelligent-looking adults you see to name the secretary of state and explain what he does. How many could do it? I thought so. Then ask them to name the governor. Now, whom do you suppose they’re going to be able to hold accountable when something goes wrong?
    Fortunately, the House passed the measure. The bad news: It only lets the governor appoint two of the eight separately elected state agency heads. Worse, this is the most substantive move the Legislature plans to take toward restructuring this year. The other two bills that have a chance – one that theoretically puts the governor in charge of administrative functions and the other that claims to reduce fragmentation in health care and a few other areas – do even less.
    The worst news: The Legislature isn’t even contemplating addressing the fragmentation of local government.
    There are no plans to do anything about the 85 school districts – every one with its own expensive administrative structure – in our 46 counties. The same with the other 800 or so local governments (no one is really sure how many there are) that make it nearly impossible for voters to keep track of who is setting their property taxes.
    So why do we have a system that seems to be designed not to get things done? That could be answered in a complicated way, but here’s the simple way: It was designed not to get things done. The basic organizing principles of government in South Carolina were established to serve the interests of the antebellum slaveholding elites. They wanted a system that resisted change, and that’s what they created. There have been changes over the years, but it’s basically the same structure we’ve always had.
    In a column several weeks back, I quoted from the 1990 series of columns by USC professors Walter Edgar and Blease Graham that helped inspire the original Power Failure series. I didn’t have room for this gem:
    "It makes no sense for the 130 residents of Pelzer to be subject to the taxing authority of six different governing bodies and service districts."
    No, it doesn’t. And it makes no sense for the people of Richland and Lexington counties to be subject to more than 20. But that’s the way it is.
    And nobody’s doing anything about it.

I’ve got plenty more where that came from if you want it.

Hey, Andre! Where’s the governor?

Sanford_iraq
C
apt. Mark Sanford, U.S. Air Force Reserve, went to war today (incognito, posing as a milde-mannered governor). But he forgot to tell the XO he was leaving the bridge. Or whatever. (I was raised in the Navy, I don’t know what the AF guys call it.)

Andre_debate72Not that I think there’s anything bad about his not telling Lt. Gov. Bauer that he was leaving the country. I mean, I think he’s required to by law and all (maybe; sort of, depends on what "unavailable" means… or something… I don’t know, you read it), but hey — a guy’s gotta use his judgment in a combat situation. That’s what leaders do.

Here’s the question, though: Do you suppose he "forgot" to tell him on purpose — so as to undermine his junior officer in front of the crew, just before he faces a crucial vote of confidence next Tuesday?

I’ve been critical of the governor in recent days, but I don’t think he would play politics with something that serious.

So here’s the second question: If he didn’t do it on purpose, did he really just forget? And how do we feel about that?

In any case, what if something had happened to the governor, and Andre didn’t know he was now in charge? OK, once again, we’re getting into the realm of that judgment thing. Best leave it be.

Still, I’m kind of peaved that the governor didn’t tell me he was going. I could have gone with him, and watched his "six" for him. Or something. Instead, I’m stuck here writing a stupid blog post, the point of which I’ve lost…

Some answers for Lee

Everybody thank Lee. He’s offered a great list of the excuses that anti-public school types come up with in an effort to get everyone to be as irresponsible and nihilistic as they are.

It’s a list that he says "journalists" (a category that he means to include me, I suppose) "won’t ask themselves, much less the candidates." This, of course, is a fantasy on his part. We are constantly asking, "What works; what doesn’t?" and "What would you change?" What we don’t do is ask it in the obsessive manner of a person whose only interest in discussing the subject is that he doesn’t want to pay for it. You’ll see what I mean. It’s in the way he words his questions.

The other odd thing about the list is that we answer these questions and ones like them every day on the editorial page — do this, don’t do that; this is working, that isn’t.

Anyway, here are his questions, followed by the more obvious answers:

"Which programs don’t work and should be abolshed right now?"
    Specifically? On the K-12 level, No Child Left Behind is an unwarranted intrusion of the federal government into a state function. Like all such Soviet-style, central-control devices, it is poorly thought-out, and takes little account of what really goes on in the classrooms across the land. It is also absurdly expensive. As far as I’m concerned, you can go ahead and close the federal Department of Education; there’s no adequate reason for it to exist.
    On the higher-ed level, you have a really target-rich environment in South Carolina. Start by ditching some of the more recent idiocies, such as Clemson starting a program at the other end of the state devoted to the Hunley. Then eliminate a lot of the smaller, more duplicative campuses — USC Salkehatchie, for instance.
    Generally? On the K-12 level, eliminate about 40 school districts. Put the state department of education under the governor. Let me know when you’ve gotten those huge jobs done; I’ll have more when you come back to me.
    On the higher ed, put the whole system (which right now isn’t a system, but a loose scattering of separate fiefdoms) under a Board of Regents, which will assign complementary roles for each (surviving) institution, fostering excellence and eliminating duplication. (Does some of this sound familiar? Sound like stuff the governor is calling for? Yes. And he got a lot of these ideas from The State; we’ve been pushing them for about 16 years. The biggest reason we’re frustrated with the governor these days is that he pushes his ideological nonsense such as PPIC rather than putting his political capital more fully onto restructuring.

"Why did management make yet another mistake of starting such failed programs?"
    Well, let’s see. The president started NCLB, along with Ted Kennedy, because he wanted to triangulate the Democrats.
    The rest of that stuff started long ago under the deliberately fragmented form of government we have here in South Carolina, where instead of focusing on excellence, we waste resources giving everybody something mediocre, or worse.

"Can’t we save enough money by ending the failed programs to pay for the next batch of new programs?"
    In higher ed, you could go a long way, but it probably wouldn’t be enough. And it’s not so much about programs as the fact that if you didn’t have so much duplication in institutions, you could invest enough to make the remaining institutions better. But you’d still be spending less than the states with excellent institutions of higher learning (North Carolina, for instance), and as long as you do that, you’ll stay behind.
    With K-12, you wouldn’t come close. You’d save some money, but not all that much. And the suburban schools would be fine (they always have been) but you’d still have the problem that we’ve never invested nearly enough in our poor, rural communities.
If you don’t like these answers, grow up. Paying for such things are the price for living in a decent society.
    On the federal level, you’d save a bunch, but I wouldn’t spend it on other educational programs. I’d put it toward paying down the national debt, or paying for the war. Those are proper federal functions that are going badly neglected.

"How much more money should taxpayers spend on government schools?"
    Enough to provide the same opportunity for a good education in the rural districts as in the suburbs. As for your deliberate use of the word "government," which you mean as a pejorative — only government ever can or ever will provide universal education in those areas. The idea that "the market" will provide magical educational opportunities in places that are so poor, and so sparsely populated, that the market won’t even build a Wal-Mart is laughable. So what if you let the money follow the kid? There aren’t enough kids to attract the market. The market has already spoken with regard to these communities — it has dismissed them.

"What exact results will come from that spending?"
    Slow progress. The conditions in poor, rural districts are horrific, and every step is taken against the tide. Bottom line is, folks who don’t want to spend on these districts just want to give up on them. We can’t do that. Even if you don’t care about them, they’re dragging the rest of the state down.

"How do you KNOW that the spending will produce those results?"
    Know? How the hell can I or you or anyone else know? I know that we have no sane alternative but to try, just as I believe we have no alternative but to continue to try in Iraq. The task is horrifically daunting, and a lot up to now hasn’t worked, but a lot has, and we can’t give up; we have to try harder. I’m talking about Iraq. But the same applies to our educational challenges in rural areas.

"What will be the rewards for success of those programs? What will be the punishment for failure?"
    The reward: A state that is no longer last where we want to be first. The punishment: A state that continues to be first where we want to be last.

"How will the taxpayers audit these programs to measure their cost effectiveness?"
    The same way they do now — through a bewildering array of statistics and paperwork. Perhaps you missed it, but the whole point of the Education Accountability Act, which has been guiding education reform in this state since 1998, is precisely what you are asking for. This is how citizens (which is what I assume you mean by your choice of the word "taxpayers") do such things in a representative democracy: They create bureaucracies to track the functions of government. And then they gripe about bureaucracies. This tail-chasing habit seems to be a large part of our heritage in the American system.

Here’s hoping I’ve been helpful.

Harry Huntley, Richland County Auditor, Democrat

Huntley1
Tuesday, 12:30 p.m.
Maybe I can keep up with these endorsement interview posts if I do the latest one first, and work backwards.

The only candidate seeking the Democratic nomination for Richland County auditor to come in for an interview this round is the incumbent, Harry Huntley. His challenger, Paul Brawley, joins what is shaping up as a record crop of candidates who have refused to come in for interviews. (This endears them to us as we still had about 50 to interview, so every cancellation helps. At the same time it gives us a broad hint that they aren’t really serious about seeking the job.)

Mr. Huntley is serious about it. It’s been his job for 17 years, and this is the first time he has appeared before the editorial board since IHuntley2 joined it in 1994 — which means he has been blessed with a lack of opposition. Apparently, he did have opposition in 1990 — his first election — and the then-board (all of whom are gone now) endorsed him.

Some basic facts about Mr. Huntley, 51: He was initially appointed to the job, in 1989, to fill the unexpired term of predecessor Pat Antley. He immediately proved to be an able administrator, making his endorsement a "clear choice" for this newspaper a year later. He is a Certified Public Accountant, and "I think I’m still the only auditor in the state who is a CPA." He used to be a Republican.

Some basic facts about the job of auditor: It is a highly technical, nonpolicy-making job. Purely functional, nothing political about it. The office is responsible for all property tax billing (not the assessments, the billing), and the auditor recommends millage rates to the county council based on the numbers he deals with every day. He is supposed to be the real-life math check on what politicians may want the numbers to say, and he has to be able to resist their pressure to deny reality.

So why is the job elected — and particularly, why is it elected in a partisan manner? As Mr. Huntley says, "The function I perform is not really a partisan function. It’s for everybody."

Huntley3In fact, he only switched parties to keep party from getting in the way, rather than for electoral reasons. With the county increasingly Democratic, he didn’t want a label to keep people from feeling like they can deal with him. "It takes down a barrier in community meetings."

So as far as he’s concerned, elections for his office should be nonpartisan.

But he still thinks the office should be elected — mainly because it gives him the political authority to say "no" to elected county council members who try to press him to say there’s more money coming than there is.

Yet almost everything else he says supports the idea of the post being appointed. Elections — particularly elections for such obscure, little-known positions — provide no assurance of the needed technical qualifications. He was appointed, and by his own account, after 17 years he’s still more qualified than any of the other (elected) auditors in the state. He could get bumped out of office at any time by a person with no better qualifications than a catchy slogan on a campaign sign.

Mr. Huntley is walking, talking proof, that auditors should be hired — according to strict guidelines regarding qualification — not elected.

Watch me on ETV tonight; I’ll wave

Well, it’s time for me to head to the office and do some cramming, because in a couple of hours I’m supposed to be on live TV.

Endorse_023I’ll be on S.C. ETV at 7 p.m. with host Andrew Gobeil and the Republican candidates for state treasurer. That would be — hang on and I’ll get links — Jeff Willis, Rick Quinn, Greg Ryberg and Thomas Ravenel. (And why do I have pictures here of the first three, and not Mt. Ravenel. That’s easy — the first three have been in for their interviews; Mr. Ravenel has not. But here’s a bonus link to his Myspace site; he was listed as one of Andre Bauer’s friends at his site.

We elect the state treasurer in South Carolina, you ask? Yes, we do. I don’t think we should, but we do. We also elect the state comptroller. I could see one or the other of these financial types being elected, as a check on the rest of the executive — but both? I don’t think so. I’m not convinced weEndorse_029 need to elect either.

Yet every four years, if there’s a contested race, I’ve got to act like I understand all that stuff about investing state money, and the state employee retirement system, and our credit rating, etc. You know what’s worse? You have to figure out how to vote on this race, and you’re not even paid to do it. Ya poor saps.

It’s hard enough just remembering the difference between what the treasurer and comptroller general do. One of them looks after the state’s money, and the latter spends it — writes the checks and stuff. I think. Hey, why do you think I need to go to the office and bone up first?

Endorses_149Of course, I could just act all knowledgeable and ask the candidates what the job is about — like I’m testing them. Maybe I’ll do that.

Anyway, if you’ll  watch, I’ll try to remember to wave at the camera.

Andre, in his own words

I thought I’d share the GovLite’s official statement.

In case you can’t be bothered to call it up, here are some lowlights:

In my role as Lieutenant Governor, I am called upon to participate in many events across the state, and I am honored to do so. Unfortunately, this often leads me to over-extend myself, and in my eagerness I have made honest mistakes.

How incredibly absurd. The office of lieutenant governor is superfluous. Its only essential function is to stand by in case something happens to the governor, an eventuality that in this case would truly be tragic for South Carolina. Presiding over the Senate? That could be handled far better by a presiding officer elected from among the Senate’s own ranks; things would run more smoothly because senators would have more respect for one of their own (a fact that is true with every lieutenant governor I have seen). The Office of Aging? There is NO rational reason for that to have been placed under the GovLite; the GOP majority did it solely to give him the fig leaf of appearing to have responsibilities. All lawmakers did was lift the existing department OUT of the agency where it logically belonged and plop it into the lieutenant governor’s office. The folks in that department keep doing the job they would do in any case, and the GovLite gets the credit for "helping" the most reliable voting constituency there is.

What does the lieutenant governor — this one, the one before and the one before that — really DO? He runs for governor, and collects a $46,545 salary for doing so. As far as the people of South Carolina are concerned, Andre Bauer could cancel his entire hectic schedule, and we’d all be better off.

One more quick excerpt:

However, I don’t expect to be treated any differently than other citizens of South Carolina.

Here, I’ll just quote Ferris Bueller’s sister: "Dry that one out and you can fertilize the lawn."

 

But did he ask for YOU?

The Greenville News had an item today about a joint appearance of the two GOP candidates for lite gov, gubernatorial scion Mike Campbell and incumbent Andre Bauer.

Get a load of this bit at the end:

    Both said the media had overplayed the conflict between Republican Gov. Mark Sanford and the GOP-controlled Legislature.
    While some problems exist, Campbell said the solution is a matter of "sitting down and working things out."
    Bauer said he would continue to serve as a bridge between Sanford and lawmakers, adding that negative news reports aside, "Gov. Sanford has gotten all that he asked for."

He has? This is going to be news to the governor. It’s also going to be news that Mr. Bauer has been Mark Sanford’s "bridge" to the General Assembly. But if it were so, it would explain a lot.

Mr. Bauer is a walking, talking argument for why governors should get to choose lieutenant governor nominees to be their actual running mates — which is the way Mr. Sanford would prefer things to be. But this should not go to Mr. Bauer’s head; it’s not a distinction. Much the same could be said of other lite govs I have known.