Category Archives: In case you wondered

Important warning

Farrell
D
o not, repeat, do not go see "Talladega Nights."

You may think it will be in the classic, high-brow comedy genre as "Old School," but you would be wrong.

Two of my daughters went to see it. I, having a premonition, did not join them. My hunch was correct. The best parts were in the previews. Yes, it’s that bad.

Just providing this in the public interest. Of course, if you’re compiling a "Top Five Worst Movies Featuring Will Farrell in this Decade," you may be obliged to attend. Otherwise, stay away.

You’ve been warned.

Confederate BDA

Courthouse72
A
pparently, I spoke too soon. Pennsylvanians do have their Civil War (that’s what they call The Recent Unpleasantness up here) battle scars, and they do have a capacity for clinging to the fact. Like us, they don’t just fix up thePlaque72 damage and move on. This makes me feel closer to them.

Indeed, there was no artillery damage to their statehouse in Harrisburg, but I conducted a closer BDA examination in Carlisle, and found evidence that Confederate artillery was somewhat effective inWall72 leaving them something to remember us by when our boys were making that swing through the Gettysburg area.

The damage to the pillars and wall of the old Cumberland County courthouse is not only preserved, but marked with the date. Sure, they did it in a haphazard, tacky way — without bronze stars. But it shows that they do have a certain SouthernPillar72 incapacity for letting bygones be bygones. I just knew these were my kind of people.

Now, if they could only figure out how to do grits, so I wouldn’t have to make them myself in the hotel room. (Which I am eating as I type — true, real-time blogging.)

Where are the rally pics?

Andre_crutches
Y
ou know what I want to see? I want to see some pictures of the rally Mike Campbell had up in Spartanburg that kept him from appearing with Andre Bauer on statewide live TV last night.

It must have been huge to have been more important. I’m not asking for Nuremberg-size or anything, but I hope it was at least more than some of these stump "events" the governor did recently, where there would be him, a couple of staffers, and two or three innocent bystanders going, "Hey, haven’t I seen him on TV?"

The latest thing out of the campaign in the Spartanburg paper is this — a day-old story written in Columbia by the Associated Press.

And speaking of the good ol’ A&P, they have not moved a single image of Mr. Campbell since election night, I kid you not. Oodles of pics of Andre on crutches — showing up to debate, standing by the roadside, hugging retiring Senate Chaplain George Meetze; all showiing him very game and brave, all very humanizing — but zilch of Campbell.

You’d think he could have used the free exposure the debate would have given him.

Maybe his campaign will see this and send me some jpgs. Or maybe I’ll remember to call them when I get in to work. It’s still a tad early now.

Andre_hug_george

More on Sanford veto

Here’s some stuff I didn’t have room for in my Sunday column.

The bottom line is that even the things the governor says that sound reasonable don’t hold up when you run the numbers:

In his veto letter (on page 3), the governor says the following:

I have heard the arguments from some state legislators that "growing government by 13 percent this year simply puts us back to where we were before we had to make those midyear budget  cuts." That is simply not true.The Budget is $744 million above the previous budget high-water mark that people talk of "getting back to," as is shown by the following chart.

He’s right that it is not true. And indeed, in raw, unadjusted dollars there is a $744 million increase over the highest previous year. But the real reason the statement is not true is that there is no real-world increase at all, and the latest budget falls far short of "getting back to" what we were funding before. In fact, it is actually a $247 million cut when adjusted for inflation.

In 2006, you have to come up with $6.623 billion to have the buying power of the $5.632 billion "high-water" budget passed in 2000. That’s according to the U.S. Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics inflation calculator.

The budget that the governor just vetoed is $6.376 billion. It falls short by $247 million from getting back to where we were before the cuts.

The governor also writes (on page 2) that:

I have consistently advocated limiting the growth in state government spending to a rate that reasonably correlated with the people’s ability to sustain it over time. Some would argue  that this rate is population plus inflation, currently about 5.5 percent. Others say it should be the  state’s average personal income growth, now about 6 percent.

When adjusted using the same official inflation calculator, the state budget grew by 6.41 percent from the one passed last year — not by 13 percent or even 10 percent.

So lawmakers who argue with the governor — if they have a clue as to what’s really going on — would not say, "growing government by 13 percent this year simply puts us back …." First, because it’s not growing by that rate. Second, because it doesn’t put us back at all. If they said either of those things, they’d be just as wrong as the governor is.

Whom will we endorse?

As both a blogger and editorial page editor, and not exactly in that order, I can run into certain conflicts: If I use the blog to share my impressions of candidates as we wade through endorsement interviews, am I not risking giving away whom we are likely to endorse?

And yet if I don’t share such information from day to day, what’s the point in an editorial page editor having a blog? Isn’t that the (admittedly theoretical) value of the Weblog — that by virtue of my job, I have access to this kind of information? Shouldn’t you get something extra for going there to read it?

Last week, it struck me for the first time: Why the big mystery about whom we might endorse? I’ve written over and over that the point in a newspaper’s endorsement is the why, not the who. If you just glance at the picture and the headline, you’ve missed the point of that kind of editorial.

The benefit for the reader lies in pondering the reasons we give for the choice. (This is a fact easily lost on many of those who read my blog, unfortunately. Judging by their comments, many remain trapped in the phony left-right, Democratic-Republican, are-you-for-this-one-or-are-you-for-that-one dichotomy — which closes their minds to reason.)

The idea is that by reading our endorsements, and reading rebuttals, and thinking about whether you agree or disagree, should add depth to your own decision-making as a voter — whether you vote in the end for the candidate we endorsed or not.

Besides, trying to guess the eventual endorsement from what I write after an interview is inadequate on two levels: First, an endorsement consists not just of what I think, but of what a consensus of the editorial board arrives at. Besides, I could change my own mind as we go along. I once pulled back an endorsement that was on the page and headed for the press. (I had last-minute qualms, did a little more digging and consulted with my colleagues. We rewrote it and went with the other candidate. Neither of  them knows that to this day.)

So, that resolved, I put my initial, rough impressions of our first three candidates (out of 55 I’ll be interviewing for the June 13 primary), on the blog last week. In each case, we were interviewing challengers. When it works out, we try to bring them in first because we tend to know less about them, and this gives us more time to get up to speed.

I also put capsules of those blog posts in my column Sunday. Here are those minimal excerpts, but if you are at all interested (and I hope you are; state legislators are more likely to have a direct impact on your life than those folks in Washington that everyone loves to shout about), I highly recommend following the links to the much-longer full blog posts:

Artie White, H89, Republican.
I didn’t ask Mr. White (challenging Rep. Kenny Bingham of Lexington County) his age, but I know the approximate answer: Quite young. The nice thing about talking to a candidate so recently (two years) out of college is that he still remembers more than most politicians have forgotten about representative democracy and how it’s supposed to work.

Mr. White sets less store by party than his former boss, Joe Wilson (which is a good thing). When asked whether he would make a point of regularly voting with the GOP caucus, he said, “I don’t really think it’s important.”

His main issue? Eminent domain. “Property rights in this country… is the basis of a free country,” he pronounced.

Greatest strengths? Sincerely good intentions and good theoretical knowledge of how government is supposed to work. Greatest weaknesses? Youth and inexperience.

Sheri Few, H79, Republican.
Sheri Few of Kershaw County, who is challenging Bill Cotty for the Republican nomination in District 79, was our first challenger armed with money from school-“choice” advocates, going up against a vocal Republican opponent of Gov. Mark Sanford’s “Put Parents in Charge” plan: “I am a proponent of school choice,” she said. “We need to start treating parents as consumers.”

But she objects to being portrayed as some sort of tool of out-of-state ideologues. She notes that she has raised $30,000 for her race, with only $8,000 of it coming from outside South Carolina.
Why should voters choose her over her opponent? “A Republican should vote for me over Bill Cotty for a couple of reasons,” she said. “I am a conservative.”

She said with tax credits, private entities would set up various schools to address special needs, such as learning disabilities. I said I could see how that might happen in Columbia, where there was enough demand. But what would be the motivation for private enterprise to set up such choices in the areas where South Carolina’s greatest educational challenges lie — poor, sparsely populated counties?

“That’s an excellent question,” she said. “I haven’t really thought about that.”

Joe McEachern, H77, Democratic.
Mr. McEachern, a member of Richland County Council who is challenging Rep. John Scott, is a straightforward sort who goes his own way, as fellow council members can attest to their delight or chagrin.

For instance, when we asked how he would get things done in the House, as a minority member of the minority party, he said, “I’m not one of those folks that carry the banner.” He said that the best course for South Carolina is likely to be something that transcends party and race. As a result, at times he will disagree with the Legislative Black Caucus.

He sees no need for voters to elect the “long ballot” of statewide officials — or for that matter, the purely magisterial offices on the county level.

When he says that, “People say, ‘Oh, no …. We’ll never get an African-American elected” to statewide office if they become appointive. “Have we ever gotten an African-American elected?” he answers.

“Elect a governor and hold him accountable” for having a diverse Cabinet, he said. “That is the best way.”

More importantly, thanks to his experience in local government, he understands the crying need to get the state government — including county legislative delegations — out of local affairs. “We need to make a clean break,” he said. “Either you’re going to have Home Rule or you’re not.”

He said Rep. Scott “thinks it’s his seat,” and “takes it very personal that I’m running against him. But it’s not personal.”

He said folks in the district complain that Mr. Scott neglects them. By contrast, he says, Bill Cotty — the Republican who represents a neighboring House district — is “more hands on.” Mr. McEachern is indeed no typical banner-carrier.

Thanks to you, it’s working

I recall, a few months ago, being totally intimidated when I took a look at Dave Barry’s blog and saw how many comments he got on his posts. Some of them had 50 comments and more! No way I’d ever match that.

I now laugh at 50 comments. Ha-ha!

Take a look now and see how we — thanks to you hard-working respondents — are now regularly exceeding ol’ Dave’s level of participation, at least on a per-post basis.

Sure, he posts more often than I do. But he puts less work into most of those posts. He relies on talent to get him through, the pitiful slacker. If he had as much actual work to do as I, he wouldn’t post as often. I know, because I sometimes do post as many in a day as he does, and I know how little of my regular job I get done on those days.

By the way, about that last sentence — it’s OK for you and me to know how little I get done on those days, just as long as neither my boss nor my expert time-management coach hear about it. Capiche?

How they voted to kill the cigarette tax hike

Just in case you missed, or got whiplash trying to follow, the peremptory manner in which the House threw out the idea of even a modest increase in our lowest-in-the-nation cigarette tax, Cindi Scoppe relates a few salient facts about it on today’s editorial page — including the one about how the money would have gone to helping the state get serious, for the first time, about youth smoking prevention and cessation (beyond the fact, of course, that increasing the tax in an of itself exerts downward pressure on the rate of teenage smoking).

What Cindi didn’t have room for in her column was how they voted. I’ll supply that:

The House voted 58-53 to table a budget amendment that would have increased the cigarette tax by 30 cents a pack.

Here’s the amendment, followed by the vote:

/64 (DOR: Cigarette tax) (A)   In addition to the tax imposed pursuant to Section 12-21-620(1), there is imposed an additional tax equal to 1.5 cents on each cigarette made of tobacco or any substitute for tobacco. The tax imposed pursuant to this paragraph must be reported, paid, collected, and enforced in the same manner as the tax imposed pursuant to Section 12-21-620(1).
(B)   There are created in the state treasury, separate and distinct from the general fund of the State, the Youth Smoking Prevention and Cessation Fund and the South Carolina Health and Prevention Fund. Four percent of the revenue generated by this additional tax must be credited to the Youth Smoking Prevention and Cessation Fund and monies in the fund must be used by the Department of Health and Environmental Control in accordance with the Centers for Disease Control recommended comprehensive programs using best practices for youth smoking prevention and cessation programs. One percent of the revenue generated by this additional tax must be credited to the Department of Agriculture for research and promotion of healthy lifestyles with food grown in this State. The remaining revenue generated by this additional tax must be credited to the South Carolina Health and Prevention Fund. The General Assembly shall appropriate the monies from the South Carolina Health and Prevention Fund to critical programs that meet health needs of South Carolinians, including using funds for a Medicaid match each year, as needed. The monies credited to these funds are exempt from budgetary cuts or reductions caused by the lack of general fund revenues. Earnings on investments of monies in the funds must be credited to the respective fund and used for the same purposes as other monies in the funds. Any monies in the funds not expended during the fiscal year must be carried forward to the succeeding fiscal year and used for the same purposes./

Voting to table the amendment (58)

Altman
Bailey
Bannister
Barfield
Battle
Bingham
Brady
Cato
Chalk
Chellis
Clemmons
Cooper
Davenport
Duncan
Edge
Frye
Haley
Hamilton
Hardwick
Harrell
Harrison
Haskins
Hayes
Herbkersman
Hinson
Huggins
Kennedy
Kirsh
Leach
Loftis
Lucas
Mahaffey
McCraw
Merrill
Neilson
Norman
Perry
E. H. Pitts
Sandifer
Simrill
Skelton
G. R. Smith
J. R. Smith
W. D. Smith
Stewart
Talley
Taylor
Thompson
Toole
Townsend
Umphlett
Vaughn
Viers
Walker
White
Whitmire
Witherspoon
Young

Voting to support the amendment (53)

Agnew
Allen
Anderson
Anthony
Bales
Ballentine
Bowers
Branham
Breeland
G. Brown
J. Brown
R. Brown
Ceips
Clark
Clyburn
Cobb-Hunter
Coleman
Cotty
Dantzler
Delleney
Emory
Funderburk
Govan
Harvin
J. Hines
Hiott
Hodges
Hosey
Howard
Jefferson
Limehouse
Littlejohn
Mack
McGee
Miller
Mitchell
Moody-Lawrence
J. H. Neal
J. M. Neal
Ott
Owens
Parks
Phillips
Pinson
Rhoad
Rice
Scott
Sinclair
D. C. Smith
G. M. Smith
J. E. Smith
Vick
Whipper

My column on Joe Azar

Our interview with Joe Azar, veteran candidate
By BRAD WARTHEN
EDITORIAL PAGE EDITOR
APPARENTLY, it’s going to be my fault if Joe Azar loses — again — to Bob Coble in next month’s election for mayor of Columbia.
    He didn’t tell me this himself. I learned that when I Googled him.
    The first thing that came up for Joe Azar was a story posted by City Paper, a local publication I didn’t know existed until I read something in The State about its editor quitting. Long story.
March06_099_1    Anyway, the piece was based on an interview with Mr. Azar in a local bar around midnight. (It said he doesn’t drink, but does shoot pool.) The story related Mr. Azar’s own “personal and strangely intriguing theory” as to why Kevin Fisher got into the race:
    “Azar believes The State knew that if he ran against Bob Coble alone he would have a good chance of winning. For that reason, The State threw in Kevin Fisher as a spoiler, he says.”
    I urged Mr. Fisher to run solely to stop the Azar juggernaut? Why would I do that? Mr. Azar explained: “There’s always been a cozy relationship between The State… especially the editorial… and city elected officials.”
    So how — and I’m just asking — do you explain our having endorsed Tameika Isaac
and Daniel Rickenmann
over council fixtures Franny Heizer and Jim Papadea?
    Oh, never mind. Apparently, his is a nice, neat explanation that helps Mr. Azar feel good about the fact that we never endorse him. I’m all for that.
    Joe Azar is a genial guy. He goes around with a huge, passive-aggressive chip on his shoulder, but he’s genial. He always greets me with a big smile. When he met with Associate Editor Warren Bolton and me last week, he suggested having lunch after the election is over. Fine by me.
    But I can’t imagine endorsing him. I think this mystifies him. I’m sorry about that; it’s unpleasant for me as well as for him. It makes our biennial or quadrennial formal meetings rather awkward.
    And when I don’t write about him — something I prefer not to do, in keeping with the old saw, “If you don’t have anything good to say…” —  it puzzles readers. One wrote on my blog Sunday, in response to my column contrasting Messrs. Coble and Fisher: “We have three candidates for mayor, not just two. Why was Mr. Azar only given one sentence?”
    I’ll try to explain. Maybe I owe Mr. Azar that, seeing as how I’m spoiling his big shot. I’ll tell you what a meeting with him is like. That may help. He only came in to meet with us after complaining to Warren that he saw little point in it. Fine. Nothing special about that. Bob Coble had asked Warren if there was any point in his coming in, seeing as how I was backing Kevin Fisher. (Why am I always the last to know these things?)
    But when Mayor Bob came in, he acted like a guy who was really serious about seeking office.
Joe Azar did not.
    First, he spent a long time talking about how useless it was to come in, and how mean we always were, and how he knew the fix was in for Mayor Coble (which will shock my “main man” Kevin Fisher). “I wonder why you invite me; you can write the editorial without me,” etc.
    But eventually, he talked about being mayor. He said he would do things that would set him apart. “I’d love to… live in a project for two weeks.” He said the other candidates would “never have stopped a young man who may be wearing gang colors, (and) engage them in dialogue. Before you can involve them, you’ve got to invite them. Say ‘I would like to involve you in a board or commission. But first you’ve got to clean yourself up, talk well…’”
    He’s gregarious, and seems truly interested in helping people, on a retail level. He sees himself as a street-level guy. He holds out his hands and tells us how he gets calluses crawling under houses, showing “my guys” how to install the audio and video equipment he sells out of his Five Points store.
    He says he would set up a “place for the homeless in the floodplain” where they could grow food to feed themselves and “have a little farmer’s market.” He would call for “a work-study program” for youth. A weightlifter, he would “emphasize more health and fitness.” He said he had had Marvin Chernoff’s idea for an arts festival “for years.” He would recycle computers. He would do a better job of hiring and retaining city employees. He would have a summer activities program, with a community band and amateur sports. “Gentrification is a serious problem,” he said. “And I wish I had time to talk about that.”
    Sound breathless? He was. Late in the interview, I had noted the time and asked whether he had other points. He pulled out a document. Refusing to give me a copy, he read all of the above proposals aloud, at high speed, with an occasional gripe about being pressed for time. Our fault, you see.
    I just took notes as fast as I could, and resolved to check his Web site later. (But there’s nothing like that list on the site.)
    After an hour, he rose, and amid the smiles and handshakes, told us how upset he’d be when our endorsement came out. He said he would want to punch the walls, but instead, he would “put a picture of you and Warren at the bottom of the urinal.”
    Or maybe he would put Warren in the urinal, and me in the toilet. Or maybe just put our faces on a dart board at a favorite bar.
    “That would be classier,” I observed. Nah, he decided, he’d stick with the first idea: the urinal.

Drawn breath

What barren D?

Sorry. Mike Cakora just distracted me (in commenting on a recent post) by saying the letters in my name could be rearranged to say either "when drab art" or "brawn hatred."

He signed off, "I make a rock."

Har-de-har.

I had never explored those possibilities. I am more than aware, however, of the various ways Microsoft Word wants to spell "Warthen." There’s "War then," which is actually how it’s pronounced. Then we have:
Wart hen
Earthen (which has a reassuring solidity to it)
Wathena
Warden
Writhen
And the ever-popular "Wart hog."

The last may be my favorite, as I’ve always thought the A-10 was a fine aircraft. The Air Force hates it, but it provides fearsome ground support, and they’re almost impossible to shoot down.

The spell-checker on Netscape e-mail adds "Wrath" to the list. That’s pretty cool.

Unimaginatively, Outlook adds "War" and "Wart" (like young Arthur in The Once and Future King).

Typepad, the fanciful and perpetually irritating software I’m using at the moment, comes up with:
Warren
Marthena
Within
Weather
Athena
Athene
Heathen
Wrathing
Then
Warn
Waylen
Wharton (very popular with humans who misspell it)
Worth
Withe
Withing
Waken
Whether
Worthier
Farthing
Northern
Worthies
Warner
Worthy
Wither
Wooten
Worden
Whiten
Withed
Withes
Worsen
Whither

"Northern!" Prepare to defend yourself, suh!

And why Waylen, but not Waylon?

And what’s a Wathena?

Meanwhile, for "Cakora" we have:
Capra (love your movies, man!)
Cara
Cora
Kora ("Kora Kora Kora")
Caria
Clara
Camera
Caro
Kara
Okra (my favorite vegetable)
Kira
Korea
Cake
Cobra (That’s bad, Mike. As in "good." Like "phat.")
Cairo
Accra
CARE
Care
Cari
Carr
Cori
Cork (faith and begorra)
Cory
Kore
Kori
Kory
Coca (so that‘s where he gets the energy to write like that)
Core
Corr
Cookery

And now, ladies and gentlemen, we’ll go over and take a look at the view from our…

Okra Ike Cam.

Must have been GOOD barbecue

Last Saturday night, I dropped by a shindig Joe Taylor was hosting at the State Fairgrounds. He was serving vinegar-and-pepper barbecue from Hemingway, and Frogmore Stew. At this event, I saw John Courson, Bob McAlister, Samuel Tenenbaum, Andre Bauer, Bob Coble, Tameika Isaac Devine, Patton Adams and…

Mark Sanford. The governor, who isn’t famous for showing up and staying any length of time at evening social events, stuck around for at least as long as I was there. Basically, I had to split once the band cranked up and it was impossible to carry on a normal conversation with anybody.

Next thing you know, Joe Taylor is secretary of commerce.

The governor must have really liked that barbecue.

OK, my turn on the Folks op-ed

OK, now that the comments on the Will Folks op-ed have reached critical mass of 34 comments and rising (including two from Mr. Folks himself), I will take a few moments to address some of the points raised by readers.

First, though, let me give you a brief summary of my thinking as it went before the piece ran — before the storm, as it were.

When the proof landed on my desk, I saw Will’s mug and thought, "Oh, man — what, again?" Then I remembered the earlier conversation in which it had been mentioned that this piece was in the pipeline. A board member responded by asking, "Is it something we would run if someone else wrote it?" That’s pretty much our standard response whenever the question arises whether we should give this person or that person space on our pages — what if it were from someone else? If the answer is "yes," we generally go with it. The answer was "yes."

So I read the piece on the page and agreed with my colleague who had put it there that yes, if this had been from some other similarly situated advocate on that side of the debate, we would have run it. But note that qualification of "similarly situated": It probably NOT have run if it had come in from someone who had never been a player of some kind in the debate. I say that because the arguments were pretty weak, and persuasive only to someone who already believes all this stuff, regardless of evidence to the contrary. Coming from Will Folks, its weakness was interesting in and of itself. Coming from someone unknown to the readers, it would have had little value.

To elaborate on that, some folks have asked why we would "give a platform" to someone who pleaded guilty to criminal domestic violence. Well, we wouldn’t. But we would "give a platform" to someone who is writing on a subject that is important and timely and who:

  • Was the spokesman, until quite recently, of the current governor.
  • Demonstrated his temperamental unsuitability for the job a number of
    times during the four years he spoke for the governor, but continued to
    hold the position until, as I just said, quite recently.
  • Is still advocating, as hard as he can, policies that are priorities for that governor.
  • Writes with a tone and style that is much the same as the way he spoke when he was in the governor’s office — lashing out, dismissive toward those who disagree, etc.
  • Brings to the surface, in a particularly stark manner, something that has been hinted at more subtly up to now — the growing tension between the governor and those who think like him and an increasingly unified business leadership.

My friend Samuel Tenenbaum said "Shame!" over our having run this piece. But I feel no shame. Well, I will admit that one thing about the
decision to run this does nag at my conscience just a bit: the fact that the piece was so
weak in its arguments that it undermined Mr. Folks’ point of view, with which
I disagree. So should I have waited for a stronger piece expressing that
point of view to come in? Well, if I had, I’d still be waiting. It’s not like we had a strong piece and this one, and picked this one. This is what we had.

Another respondent says critics are attacking Mr. Folks, but dodging the substance of what he said. Well, let’s discuss two or three points of that substance:

  • Will dismisses the financial acumen of some of the heaviest business hitters in South Carolina (or as he puts it, "prominent leaders of the so-called ‘business community’"), and does so in a way that takes for granted that HE and the governor know better than they do what is good for business in South Carolina. He sneers at the "left-leaning S.C. Chamber of Commerce" (note to Hunter Howard — better quit wearing those Che T-shirts around the State House). He calls Darla Moore and Mack Whittle "self-appointed dilettantes." To provide a little perspective, as the governor said to me awhile back about his having hired Will in the first place, "You take someone who was playing bass guitar in a rock ‘n’ roll band and you give him a chance." Yeah, OK, let’s see — to whom would I go for credible financial advice? Darla Moore, or Will Folks? Mack Whittle, or Will Folks? Harris DeLoach, or Will Folks? Don Herriott, or Will Folks? Ooh, that’s a toughie.
  • While the governor can be said to have more experience in business than his former protege, to suggest that he is someone whose credentials suggest more real-world experience in financial dealings than the people Mr. Folks dismisses is ludicrous. Mr. Sanford’s record in the private sector before he took up politics is by comparison to these people — and this is charitably understating the case — less than impressive.

Actually, I’m going to stop there, and not get into his strong suggestion that ONLY the kind of tax cut the governor wants could possibly help our economy, or his indulgence in yet another gratuitous slap at public schools ("unquestionably the nation’s worst") or his mentioning that "state spending jumping another 9.1 percent" without noting by how much it had been cut in the several preceding years (some agencies, such as the Corrections Department, by more than 20 percent during that period). Basically, I’m tired of typing.

But before I go, let me address a few reader comments specifically:

  • Scott Barrow says "you’re giving him credibility and helping him restore his bad name by printing his columns." I don’t see how.  If anything, I’m hurting the cause he advocates by running a piece from him (I already addressed the fact that my conscience nags at me about that, even though my conscience, yaller dog that it is, doesn’t know what it’s talking about).
  • Uncle Elmer asks, "Does Mr. Sanford really need cool-headed, articulate friends like this?" Well, no, he doesn’t. In fact, the last time
    we ran a piece by Mr. Folks, the governor’s office called to question our having done so.
  • Honesty says, "The fact that you found the need to edit his previous editorial due to
    his apparent dishonesty while deeming him worthy of now being published
    as a guest editorialist borders on bizarre." Well, not really. We edit everybody, and a lot of what we edit out are unsupportable statements that are wrongly presented as fact. Sometimes we miss such mistakes and instances of outright attempts to mislead, but we try.
  • Will Folks himself complained that "Just once… it would be nice to submit an article and actually
    have folks debate its merits instead of venting their spleens with all
    this anonymous speculation regarding a domestic situation they didn’t
    witness and don’t possess the slightest bit of insight into." Well, once again, Will, I tried. I refer you to the above.
  • Finally, Don Williams raised a broader complaint "about the plethora of conservative local columnists which have been given platform" on our pages. Well, first, I wouldn’t call Will Folks a "conservative." I think that term refers far better to the "left-leaning" Chamber of Commerce than to him. And Mr. Williams lumps him in with Bob McAlister and Mike Cakora as being three who "arrive at the same conclusions time after time." Well, Bob works for those "dilettantes" over at the Palmetto Institute, and is therefore pushing very different views from Mr. Folks on these issues. Mr. McAlister is also a very conservative Southern Baptist, while last I read, Mr. Cakora was an atheist. I have no idea where Mr. Cakora (whom I met once, about six years ago — a fact I thought I’d throw in for Mark Whittington‘s benefit) stands on the tax issue (maybe you can find out on his blog). Beyond that, we usually get complaints about running too many liberals. I don’t know whether we do or not. I particularly don’t know on local columns. Basically, we generally take what we’re sent, and choose between them based on quality and relevance (and whether they’ve been published somewhere else, which is generally a disqualifier). Mr. McAlister sends us far more columns than probably any other local contributor — more than we actually run, I would point out. Joe Darby — who is no one’s definition of a conservative — probably comes in a distant second (we hear from him less since he moved to Charleston). Tom Turnipseed? I would say he submits columns less often that Mr. McAlister, but more often than than Mr. Darby. (Mr. Turnipseed is also regularly published elsewhere). We run letters from him more often, including a short one on Dec. 18.

As for nationally syndicated columnists, here’s a blog by a fairly nonpartisan guy who takes the trouble to rate columnists according to how much they lean either Democratic or Republican. Of the ones on his list we run regularly, he sees five as Dems and only one as GOP. But then, he lists George Will, of all people, as being slightly Democratic, so… Also, he doesn’t include some of our conservative regulars, such as Charles Krauthammer and Cal Thomas. I guess "left" and "right" are pretty much in the eyes of the beholder, which is one reason I hate using the terms.

That’s all I have to say about that. For now.

How stupid is the press?

A link that blog regular Herb provides in a recent comment asks the not-so-musical question, "Are reporters too stupid to get religion?"

The simple answer is, "Yes."

But that’s a little too simple. I should elaborate. Journalists pride themselves (many of them do, anyway; I certainly did during my news days) on being jacks of all trades and masters of none. At a dinner party, they can usually dazzle an uncritical listener with how much they know about many things — and it works as long as no one probes too deep. But there are several things that most reporters at most newspapers don’t know much at all about (and I hope you’re not including TV people as "reporters," as very few of them get anything):

  • Religion — I have the impression (but no stats to back it up) that the press is slightly more secular than the public at large. I mean that in two ways: First, on a personal level — lots of journalists have never been to church or have quit going (for some reason, the profession seems to draw a lot of "fallen-away" Catholics) — but also professionally. There are still plenty of people of faith in newsrooms, but relatively few who take a sufficient interest in religions other than their own, to the extent that they could write authoritatively about them. You’ll find that’s also true of the general population, but in most fields, journalists make it their business to pick up a little something about everything around them, whether it touches them personally or not. Here’s where the professional tendency comes in. The secular notion that seeps through all of society — that religion is a private matter, with no place in the public sphere — is as prevalent in newsrooms as in the corridors of government. This dampens — in the area of religion — the natural tendency journalists usually have to pry into things that are "none of their business." Most every paper has one or two people who are an exception to this rule — who take a keen interest in religion as religion, beyond their own personal beliefs. Those are the people who are specifically assigned to cover the subject. The problem, and the blundering, tends to come in when you have folks from other beats jumping in to help out on a religion story. While you can take, say, a political reporter and have him go cover a crime story and rely on him to know what to do, that’s just not as true with the religion beat. And given the unpredictable ebb and flow of news, there are always going to be people covering things outside their usual areas.
  • The Military — There are about as few veterans in newsrooms as you find in most white-collar workplaces where most of the people are under the age of 50. Most journalists, unless they have had personal experience or have worked hard to learn about the military sphere of life, know less about it than they do about other lines of work they have never done personally. For instance, almost no journalists have ever been lawyers, cops or politicians. But they interact with those people a LOT more than they do with people in military service. There just aren’t as many opportunities to hang with the military as there are with, say, cops. Therefore, less learning occurs.
  • Weapons of any kind — It might seem like this might fall under "military," but the problem extends far beyond that sphere. All reporters at some time end up doing a basic crime story. And that’s where they are likely to embarrass themselves seriously. How bad is it? I have during my career as an editor run across many a malaprop such as, "Police say the suspect fired at the clerk with a shotgun, but the bullet missed him." And I’ve seen things just as bad as that get into the paper — meaning that several people failed to realize that shotguns don’t fire "bullets."
  • Money — Math tends not to be journalists’ strong suit. They were good at writing in school, not numbers, and to many people who think nothing of whipping together from scratch a 1,000-word news story requiring multiple sources in a couple of hours, figuring out a percentage change is seen as heavy lifting. This gets worse when the number involve money. Journalists tend to be less interested in money than the average person; its mystique doesn’t grab them, and they don’t grasp it. Most reporters are bright enough to have made a lot more money doing something else. But that didn’t interest them enough.
  • Science/Medicine — You see a lot of "health news" in newspapers these days. What you don’t see is a lot of reporting that represents a sense of perspective or in-depth knowledge on these issues. This is improving somewhat, but most journalists are a long way from having the kind of easy familiarity with the sciences, including medical science, that they do with crime, punishment and politics. One reason, among many, would be that they generally don’t interact with physicians or physicists any more than they do with the military.

Anyone who IS conversant with in any of those areas can pretty well write his or her own ticket. Business writers — if they’re any good — are in high demand. Religion writers are in demand, but a little less so, as few papers have more than one or two religion writers, and they have entire staffs devoted to business. Supply and demand.

Few mid-sized papers have anyone devoted to military affairs. But when they do, if that person gets any good at it, once again you have a high-demand commodity. For instance, I was Dave Moniz‘s editor when we started the military beat back in the early ’90s. It was terra incognita for Dave, but he worked hard to develop expertise, and to break down the natural suspicion and even hostility with which most military people regard representatives of the press (I grew up in the military, so I know all about this alienation, and fully understand why it’s there). Anyway, Dave had only done that a handful of years before he went to USAToday to cover the same beat. You’ll see his byline on their front page from time to time.

What’s up with Darrell and Andre?

We had another knotty question come up before the editorial board this morning that we just couldn’t settle, so we had to move on. It was this:

Why is Darrell Jackson going out of his way to praise Andre Bauer, even to the point that Sen. Jackson, a Democrat, says he will support the Republican for re-election?

We don’t have a clue. Of course, next time I see Darrell I’ll ask him (I did see Andre today, but I don’t think he’s the right one to ask). And if this were a column instead of a blog tidbit, I’d bother to call him. But just sitting around wondering, we couldn’t figure it out. The reasons he gives in his op-ed piece don’t answer the question; they are insufficient to explain a phenomenon as unusual as this.

(Some who don’t understand how we work might ask, How come you ran it if you don’t know what motivated it? My answer would be, Duh. It was interesting. And it disagreed with something we had written, and pieces like that — when interesting — have a certain priority. What’s odd here is that the motivation is usually obvious to us, and this time I’m mystified.)

I mean, set aside the party differences. Senators don’t go out of their way to praise lieutenant governors — Andre or anybody else. When they take notice of them at all, it’s usually to take away one or more of the few powers the rather useless office possesses. A lot of people don’t understand this, but to South Carolina state senators, there is no office above them. Not the governor, and certainly not the gov lite. One of the shocks of recent years has been the deference Glenn McConnell — who in the past has seemed affronted any time a governor presumed to exert any kind of influence on the governing process — has shown toward Mark Sanford.

And now this.

Anyway, if you have a workable theory about it, share it with me. And if it makes sense, when I next see Sen. Jackson, I’ll ask him whether you’re right.

Mark Sanford on Will Folks

My Sunday column makes the case that Will Folks’ op-ed was worth running because it gave insight into his character and judgment, and therefore into the judgment of his boss, Gov. Mark Sanford. So what does the governor himself have to say about that?

Before asking the governor Friday about Rep. Gresham Barrett’s comments, I asked him one other question:

"Why was Will Folks your press secretary for four years?"

His answer was too involved to just slip into my column without ditching several of the comments from readers that were the reason for the column. And I sure don’t want to write another column on this subject. But I just had to share it, so here goes:

The governor began by noting that Will Folks hadn’t been his spokesman as governor for four years. That period started with the campaign, and that’s when he and Mr. Folks forged their bond, such as it is.

"You start out with a grass-roots campaign, you have very little in the way of resources," the governor said. "You’re working out of the basement of your house…. You can’t afford all the bells and whistles" of a full-blown, professional campaign with experienced people in all the key positions. In any case, he added, that kind of uptight, do-it-by-the-book campaign wasn’t his style.

So, he said, "You take someone who was playing bass guitar in a rock ‘n’ roll band and you give him a chance." (We all knew that’s what he did, but it meant a little more having the governor just say it that way.)

"Given the pressures he was under and the challenges he faced that he had never faced before, I think he did a pretty good job," during the campaign, Mr. Sanford said.

So after the election, he decided to give the young man the same job in the governor’s office. There, as we all saw, Mr. Folks moved from gaffe to gaffe — the Corvette thing, the comments about the Commission on Women, the alleged threats to the Chamber in Anderson.

The governor doesn’t deny that. But, he said, "For the most part, he did a pretty good job."

Bottom line as to why he kept him on so long? "I did it because he was competent," said the governor.

That’s pretty much all he would say for the record. Make of it what you will.

All the little piggies…

This is supposed to be an immediate medium, but this is a delayed posting. I’ve had all the pieces for over a week, but just not had them together in one place. In fact, I waited so long that some of what I’m about to tell you has been reported elsewhere. (And congrats to Tim Kelly for doing as a blogger should and jumping on it immediately, even if he did jump to a hasty conclusion or two.)

It’s been a while now, but do you remember the full-page ad with all the little piggies on it that ran on May 18? The text went like this:

Did your family budget grow by 13% this year?
State revenues did and some politicians in Columbia want to use it all to grow government.
Governor Sanford said “Enough is enough.”
Thank You Governor Sanford for standing up for the Taxpayers.
Check out our website to see whether your legislator votes with Governor Sanford to keep pork out of the budget.
www.scclubforgrowth.org
Paid for by the South Carolina Club for Growth

The ad kicked off a storm of speculation among South Carolina’s chattering classes. I wondered about it myself. I had never heard of the "South Carolina Club for Growth." I knew that the national Club for Growth was a huge fan of Gov. Sanford. But a Palmetto State connection was a new one on me. And knowing Piggies_7 that a number of national groups have in recent years created South Carolina fronts to hide the fact that outsiders were trying to manipulate our politics, I was a little suspicious.

Others did more than wonder. E-mails were passed around and blot items were posted saying the ad was really a front for by this group or that individual, but while some of it was on the money, much was speculation.

Well, here’s the real story. The phone number on the web site on the ad (which for some reason I can’t access today; let me know if you have the same trouble), was the same number as for The Bastiat Society, an organization "formed to promote the virtue of commerce, and its role in making the world a better place." It was named for Frederic Bastiat, a 19th century French economist and writer.

The same phone number also belong to that organization’s president, who is none other than my good friend Ben Rast, the zen Catholic libertarian so well known locally for the financial advice he has long distributed on radio and television. I made a note to call Ben, but before I could, he had e-mailed me a press release telling me all about it. The release explained that "the South Carolina Chapter of the Club for Growth is dedicated to expanding the prosperity of working families through the Reagan Doctrine of lower taxes, smaller government and strong free enterprise."

But it didn’t explain where in the world the group suddenly came from, or what it had to do with other groups, individuals and entities within and without our state. So I e-mailed Ben to find out. He responded that

The Club is a registered political non-profit (a 501c4 and a PAC), and a state affiliate of the national Club for Growth. I filed all the paperwork over a year ago, and continue to file the public disclosures with the Ethics Commission. I’ve learned the governing class has made it very difficult for an interested citizen to get involved in politics outside of the major political parties.

I recruited a board, raised some money, and got involved in the general elections. I believe I sent you a press release announcing the Club’s formation.

I don’t recall that release, but if Ben says he sent it, I know he did. I doubt I would have taken much note of it at the time. Another libertarian group is born, ho-hum, I would have thought.

Anyway, I asked him who else was involved in this with him, and he said the group’s board was

currently composed of Thomas Ravenel (Charleston), Don McLaurin (Columbia and Georgetown), Griffin Cupstid (Spartanburg), and me. Dusty Rhodes, the publisher of The National Review and a resident of Hilton Head was on the board for most of last year, but he resigned because he didn’t have time.

The most active board members have been me, Ravenel, and McLaurin. Although we’ve been around for some time and we sent out press releases to let people know what we were doing, we clearly didn’t catch anyone’s attention…until now.

Anyway, on one of the several things Ben sent me (maybe it was the web site I can’t get to now) was a link for providing feedback. The link, it turns out, was labeled South Carolinians for Responsible Government — you know, the group that puts out all that misleading, and often insulting, propaganda about the "Put Parents in Charge" bill. Ben, if you’ll recall, wrote an op-ed piece for us a while back also supporting PPIC. I discovered this on the Saturday after the ad ran. OK, I’ve got to call Ben again. I did, and he called me back while I was shopping out on Harbison late that evening. (He had just gotten out of the new Star Wars movie, which he said was somewhat disappointing.)

It turns out that the connection is that Ben, or rather the S.C. Club for Growth, had hired Randy Page to help negotiate the regulations of political participation. (By way of explanation, he repeated his complaint about how politicos made it hard for ordinary people to get involved with politics outside of the major parties — something with which I empathize to some extent, despising parties as I do.) This was apparently some time before Mr. Page became affiliated with SCRG — something that happened after his predecessor was caught sending fake letters to The State.

The two groups, he assured me, had no connection beyond that one personnel overlap. "I wrote the check" for the ad, he said, acting for the S.C. Club for Growth. Cynics will sneer and say "yeah, right," but I know Ben, and I believe him. You’d have to talk to him for a while to understand why; he’s a clever guy, but there is no guile in him, as far as I can tell. He has that purity of belief that characterizes the true economic libertarian. Of course, there is no major philosophy in our politics today with which I disagree more, so Ben and I engaged in polite debate for the next half hour while I went here and there in the commercial maze of Harbison. Mostly, we talked about things that I cover in a previous posting, so I won’t bore you any more.