Category Archives: Marketplace of ideas

Catholic tears of pride

Key Energy Party adviser Samuel Tenenbaum, who also does a lot to encourage serious thought about matters of faith, sent out to his e-mail list a link to this NPR piece on the JFK speech. That prompted Bud Ferillo to respond to the group as follows:

Sammy:

 
This speech, which I have retained in my memory bank since it was given,
moves me to tears every time I hear it.
 
All of us at Bishop England High School in 1960 had never dreamed a
Catholic could be elected to any office outside of the ethnic centers of Irish
or Italian America. This one speech changed the course of that campaign because
of its direct response to the spoken and unspoken anti-Catholic fervor of the
time. And that election changed the course of the country until the violence
of later years consumed all that had been won.
 
Thanks for sharing it.
 
Bud/

Can anyone say, ‘single-payer?’


Day after day, I become more certain that we need to scrap our entire health-insurance system, and go to a single-payer national plan. It would cover everyone in a simple and straightforward manner that wouldn’t require a Ph.D. in filling out forms to navigate, it would put enough healthy (for the moment) people into the system to make it affordable for those who need care at a given moment, and would give us a gigantic bargaining bloc (forbidden in Medicare Part D, thanks to Big Pharma) for containing drug costs. In other words, it would make sense.

And here’s the really, truly amazing thing about it. Nobody, but nobody, in the political mainstream will stand up and suggest it. In fact, political candidates go to great lengths, through all kinds of gyrations, to avoid it. This is so even though I have only heard three credible reasons why not to at least suggest it, to get a conversation started:

  • The medical insurance industry doesn’t want it, because it does away with it’s reason to be.
  • Big Pharma doesn’t want it, because if we banded together, it would no longer be able to overcharge for the drugs it pays billions to advertise.
  • The idea of us banding together to act in our common interest offends some people’s ideology.

Yeah, I hear other objections — waits for procedures, reduction of choices — but those will be the features of ANY approach that works in lowering costs. The insurance companies have been telling what treatments we can and can’t have, and which doctors we can see, and which pharmacies and hospitals we can go to, for decades now.

Anyway, this little post isn’t about going into the details; this post is simply about the fact that we’re not even having a national conversation about whether to do this. With the exception of Dennis Kucinich, who doesn’t count because he doesn’t have a prayer of being elected, nobody is out there touting this idea, so that we can at least debate it. And rest assured, we won’t be doing anything bold in this area unless someone is elected with a mandate to do so.

There are people laboring in the field out there trying to drum up support for HR676, which would create a single-payer system, but you don’t usually hear about them. The one advocate of the approach best known to people on this blog is our regular contributor Paul DeMarco, a Marion physician, is a founding member of a group called South Carolinians for Universal Health Care that is pushing for it (I believe, and Paul will correct me if I’m wrong, that the group is affiliated with Physicians for a National Health Program. Some of his fellow single-payer advocates came to see the editorial board yesterday. The video above shows Sabra Smith, a practicing nurse and PhD student at USC School of Nursing, talking about why she got involved with Dr. DeMarco’s group.

Oh, THAT Michael Berg…

Bergny

W
hen he emerged on this post sticking up for the Palestinians, I kept thinking, I know Michael Berg. Where do I know a Michael Berg from, but I just couldn’t picture him or put him in context.

Then he appeared on our Saturday op-ed page, and I had to slap my forehead. That’s Michael on the left end of the banner, marching against the war in New York City during the Republican National Convention in 2004.

The thing is, I don’t think I’ve seen Michael since that day. He left the country soon after, and I hear he was in Paraguay with the Peace Corps, or something like that. (Jump in and correct me if I’m wrong, Michael.)

Bradny
Anyway, I’m glad when I get things straightened out like that. I’m also glad when I get to use one of the dozens of photos I shot at the convention. That week was when I first decided I had to start a blog. There was so much to see and write about, and show people in pictures (I hadn’t started doing video yet), and my three columns and one "notebook" piece I did for the paper just weren’t enough to cram it all into. I finally started the blog the following spring.

The irony is, I haven’t been to such a perfect blogging opportunity as that since then. Just as well, I guess — everyday life seems to produce far more ideas for posts than I have time to write as it is.

Welcome_to_the_garden

Hey, Ron Paul libertarians: This is what I meant

First, let me apologize for using "Ron Paul" in a headline for a second time this week. I realize that it’s a cheap traffic driver, like putting cheesecake photos of female celebs on your site.

But the previous time I invoked the nation’s most popular libertarian, a lot of those who were drawn hither by Google expressed puzzlement that I thought the phrase "freewheeling fun" was a hoot when applied to libertarianism.

This still doesn’t quite explain it, but it at least shows that some libertarians are fully aware of the dark, grim, foreboding side of their worldview, which tends to be the one I generally see. I’m cleaning my desk and IN box today, and I run across a copy of The Heartlander, a newsletter put out by The Heartland Institute, which describes itself as "A nonprofit organization devoted to discovering, developing, and promoting free-market solutions to social and economic problems".

The lead article in the latest newsletter is written by the organization’s president, Joseph L. Bast, and it begins:

    We all have some friends and acquaintances who seem congenitally to be optimists and others who were born pessimists.
    Among libertarians – for whom extremism is never a vice – the
division is especially sharp, and pessimists outnumber optimists by a
wide margin. I know plenty of libertarians who believe we are at the
gates of hell, carried there in a charred handbasket by people whose
names change over time (sometimes “Clinton,” sometimes “Bush”) but who
always walk in the same direction. Are they right?

That’s what I’m talking about. What I usually hear when libertarians speak is the cry of those "who believe we are at the
gates of hell, carried there in a charred handbasket…"

What I don’t hear is the voices of those few (according to Mr. Bast, they are indeed in the minority) sunny optimists among libertarians — although his article is an attempt to foster that attitude. And his list of things to feel good about strike me as mostly unhappy news (such as "President Bush vetoed a proposed expansion of the State Children’s Health Insurance Program"), but then I’m not his intended audience.

I’ll keep my eyes peeled for the next issue of The Heartlander. Maybe I’ll find the "freewheeling fun" of libertarianism in that one.

Mayor Bob reports

Our correspondent Bob Coble offers these observations on two hot city issues.

First, I got this e-mail from him today about City Finances, which, as we know, have been quite a mess lately:

Today at our City Council meeting, our auditor, Bud Addison of Webster Rogers, will present out 2005-06 audit. That will put us back on schedule. The City staff will close the books for 2006-07 by December 31st and Webster Rogers will then complete the audit. Our next steps will be to first make sure the new finance staff timely closes our books for 2006-07 and future years, and then the audits are completed timely. Secondly, the auditor’s management letter (that was presented a few weeks ago-Gina did a story and you an editorial) that outlines the deficiencies and recommendations from 2005 must be completed and implemented. The audit itself today will show the financial health of the City itself is strong.

Three minutes later, I received this addendum regarding the idea of Richland County Sheriff Leon Lott taking over the troubled Columbia Police Department:

I wanted to indicate that I have always supported consolidation of
city county services including law enforcement. State law outlines how that
could occur I believe. I think the current proposal by Kirkman and Daniel needs
to be reviewed (Council has only heard about this from Adam Beam). I do believe
there are serious issues that need to be considered. The combination of a
partisan elected official into city government should be reviewed carefully. It
has implications on the current form of government discussion. As always any
consolidation of services discussions should be divorced from the current
players and current situation and be viewed on a 20-30 year basis.

As for what I think — well, you know what I think: There should be a full-time elected mayor in charge of running the city, and that man or woman should be held accountable for all of the above. Having an unelected manager report to seven bosses — none of whom can be held accountable individually for what happens, since each has only one-seventh say — isn’t working out so hot.

If the way to get an elected person in charge of one critical city function — public safety — is to have the sheriff take over, that’s worth considering. But it’s pretty funky — a person elected by one set of people handling an entity that only serves a subset of that electorate is a very strange way to do accountability. And the mayor’s right — whatever we do on this, it shouldn’t be about current personalities.

Ron Paul, wild and crazy fun guy

Had to laugh at this passage in this WashPost story about the Ron Paul phenomenon, which was brought to my attention by an e-mail from a libertarian organization:

    More than at any other time over the past two decades, Americans are
hungering for the politics and freewheeling fun of libertarianism…

It really said that. Go look. "Freewheeling fun." Maybe that’s why I don’t get libertarianism. I look at it and see a gray, dull, monotonous, seething, dispiriting resentment. Gripe, bitch, moan, especially about taxes — that’s libertarianism to me. That is, if you don’t mind my using the "b-word" in its verb form.

I don’t go to politics looking for a good time, but if I did, I’d probably pick the liberal Democrats. If I were looking to start a business, I’d hang with the Republicans. If I were looking to be an ideologically rigid, antisocial grouch who constantly told the rest of the world to go (expletive) itself, I’d be a libertarian. Not to cast aspersions or anything, or deal in flat stereotypes. I’m sure there’s much more to libertarians than that, just as there is to everyone. But "freewheeling fun?" That cracked me up.

Christians as folk

A bunch of stuff crossed quickly through my hands last week when I was too busy — either working on getting the week’s pages out while shorthanded, or traveling to Pennsylvania and New York and back — to take note of them, and a couple of them are blogworthy. Here’s one, which came in as e-mail all the way back last Tuesday.

Orin P. Smith of the Palmetto Family Council sent out this note to members and/or friends, taking note of my recent column in which PFC board member Hal Stevenson played a prominent part:

Columbia businessman Hal Stevenson is a
tremendous encouragement to me. Maybe that’s because I have the sense that
he "gets it." By that I mean I think he has a deep understanding of the
connection between faith and public policy and he articulates it in a winsome
way. Because that is the whole
idea behind family policy councils, I
was glad to see Hal return to the board of
Palmetto Family
Council
a few years ago and agree to serve as
Chairman of the Board from 2004 to 2006. 

The column that follows was
the featured editorial in The
State
[Columbia, SC] newspaper Sunday before last. I share it with you
not for Hal’s specific impressions of particular candidates for President (which
PFC does not necessarily endorse) or any other specific content or words he has
chosen, but to show how Christians can make a difference in the public square by
being accessible, fair, principled, and just plain interesting to talk
with.

I think you will appreciate the final sentence of the article
above all. 

Happy Thanksgiving.

-OPS 

Here’s what strikes me about this, and not for the first time: Traditionalist Christians are not accustomed to being written about by the MSM as actual folk — real, thinking, breathing human beings — when they interact with the political sphere. They are used to being categorized, caricatured, flattened out into two dimensions at best.

Another way of putting it is that they are not accustomed to seeing themselves written about in ways that they can recognize themselves. Hal said something about this to me in reacting to the column in a conversation I blogged about, and in thanking me for getting him straight.

I say this not to brag on myself — I know I have plenty of flaws as a journalist; one of my few virtues is that my subjects usually say I get the context of what they’re saying right, and this is an example of that.

I say it to marvel at yet another example of the ways we fail in this society to engage each other as we truly are, in the realm of politics. This is another of the many flaws in our partisan, conflict-oriented, anti-intellectual way of choosing up sides so that we won’t have to think.

It’s really a pity that something as simple as what I did — show a "conservative Christian" (which in itself is an inadequate term) as a thinking person instead of a Pat Robertson cartoon — should stand out so that a couple of people who’ve been burned in the past should see it as worth remarking upon.

In other words, it’s not that what I did was so good. It’s that so much else that you see is so bad.

Audio: McCain talks to bloggers

Mccainbus_158

Here’s audio of John McCain’s conference call with bloggers today at noon. The subject that B.J. was concerned about only came up briefly — when the candidate himself mentioned it.

Topics that were discussed included Pakistan, Iraq, "medical marijuana," health care, the need for a larger military, and the gang of 14.

I basically just wanted to listen in, although I did put myself in the queue for a question. I guess all the others were more eager and got theirs in more quickly, since my turn never came up.

If it had, I would have asked why he seems settled on sticking with Musharraf, when a case can be made that he has delegitimized himself with moderate, anti-Taliban elements in the society — might we not be at a point where Mrs. Bhutto is the only workable option?

I would also have asked jokingly whether he really meant to say Gen. Musharraf is an "ethical type of individual," rather than "aesthetic type of individual."

But no big loss. Here is the audio, if you want to listen to it. It begins in the middle of Sen. McCain explaining that he is in Phoenix because his wife (shown below at an event in Aiken in September) is undergoing surgery for her knee problem…

Mccainbus_004

Reason vs. Bush hatred

There’s a pleasingly dispassionate treatment on the WSJ op-ed page today of that modern phenomenon of passions gone wild, Bush hatred.

Specifically, he deals with the oddity of intellectuals who actually defend hatred — by that word — as a rational response. More broadly, he brushes over the fact of president hatred in general. A sample:

    Hating the president is almost
as old as the republic itself. The people, or various factions among
them, have indulged in Clinton hatred, Reagan hatred, Nixon hatred, LBJ
hatred, FDR hatred, Lincoln hatred, and John Adams hatred, to mention
only the more extravagant hatreds that we Americans have conceived for
our presidents.
    But Bush hatred is different. It’s
not that this time members of the intellectual class have been swept
away by passion and become votaries of anger and loathing. Alas,
intellectuals have always been prone to employ their learning and fine
words to whip up resentment and demonize the competition. Bush hatred,
however, is distinguished by the pride intellectuals have taken in
their hatred, openly endorsing it as a virtue and enthusiastically
proclaiming that their hatred is not only a rational response to the
president and his administration but a mark of good moral hygiene…

As I’ve written in the past, this business of the political opposition hating the current president really went over the line into irrational and destructive to our political life shortly after the 1992 election (as I recall, the "Don’t Blame Me — I Voted For Bush" bumper stickers showed up on late-model cars before Clinton was even sworn in), and then made a leap into greater intensity after the 2000. I pondered the first wave of this in late 1994:

    There was a time when voters whose candidate lost would say let’s give the
President, as President, a chance. Now, the day after the election, they stick "Don’t blame me; I voted for Bush" on their bumpers. For his part, the
President, who ran as a centrist, immediately slaps the opposition with gays
in the military, and lifts abortion restrictions by executive fiat.

    The cult of confrontation goes beyond partisan politics, worsening race
relations and escalating the war between the sexes (Will the argument over
Anita Hill vs. Clarence Thomas ever end?).

But there’s no question that, rather than getting better, this phenomenon stepped up to a new level of intensity with the election of George W. Bush. I find myself wondering whether this is because of the progression of the disease — that those who lose elections (particularly painfully close ones) are just getting angrier and less rational from one administration to the next — or whether the increase in intensity actually had something to do with Bush himself. I incline toward the latter interpretation, possibly because I can’t bear to think of this phenomenon getting worse — or even continuing — under our next president. (That, in fact, is the one thing that I worry about the most if Mrs. Clinton is elected — the hatred of her opponents is likely to know no bounds. Other candidates seem less likely to arouse such passions — but then, I could not have predicted the response to Bush that we’ve seen since the beginning of his first term.)

But that doesn’t mean I understand it. And don’t tell me it’s about the war. I remember distinctly wondering aloud about this in 2001, shortly before 9/11. I asked one of my colleagues to help me understand the intensity of the visceral reaction that Bush’s opponents had toward him. And I’m sorry, but I don’t find any of that nonsense about "stealing the election" persuasive, either. That’s a symptom,  a manifestation of the disease, not a rational cause. As bitter a disappointment as it might have been for Gore supporters, you have to hate Bush to believe that his election was illegitimate.

My own theory is that it’s cultural or demographic. I think the key is in the way he talks, in his bearing — the sort of smug, smirking faux-cowboy thing, like a political version of a John Wayne wannabe. Some people just can’t stand that, whereas I just sort of shrug it off.

Anyway, I appreciated the thoughtful, careful and respectful way (the tone is not properly reflected in the headline) that this writer approached the problem of intellectuals, of all people, embracing passionate hatred as a positive thing. His conclusion:

    The conflict between more
conservative and more liberal or progressive interpretations of the
Constitution is as old as the document itself, and a venerable source
of the nation’s strength. It is wonderful for citizens to bring passion
to it. Recognizing the common heritage that provides the ground for so
many of the disagreements between right and left today will encourage
both sides, if not to cherish their opponents, at least to discipline
their passions and make them an ally of their reason.

Video to go with Cindi’s health care column


D
uring the course of writing her column for today’s paper, Cindi asked me to comb back through my video from our editorial board meeting with Mike Huckabee, to help her reconstruct some quotes that she had not taken down completely in her notes.

Above you see what I put together for her. As it happens, I got almost every bit of what he said on health care, except for a view seconds when my camera automatically shut off recording (which it does after three minutes of video), and I had to restart it.

Look on it as a bit of show-and-tell to complement her column. The column itself is the third part of a three-part series. Here is part one, and here is part two.

Liberté, égalité, fraternité: What’s your preference, mon ami?

Now that we’ve dissected "democracy," let’s take it another step.

Something else we say we’re fighting for, wherever we may happen to send troops in this world, is "freedom." And I guess in almost any situation, we can argue that someone’s freedom is been furthered by what’s going on, but it’s not always the best word. In the Revolution and in some ways the Civil War, yes. To some extent in World War II — although it was a lot more complicated than that — and Korea and Vietnam, in the sense that we were fighting totalitarian systems in all those cases. Sometimes, we send troops so that people can eat (Somalia), sometimes just to keep them from killing each other (Bosnia), sometimes to keep our treaty commitments and keep the oil flowing (the 1991 Gulf War).

But we always send them in the name of some value or interest we hold dear, or combination of such. We can argue all day about whether the value or interest is truly being served, but the stated reason is generally based in some cherished value or pragmatic interest. (Even when it’s a matter of national survival, we speak of surviving in order to maintain our bastion of freedom.)

The truth is that American values and interests are a lot broader than that word, "freedom," as cherished as that ideal may be. I always thought the French were onto something with their liberté, égalité, fraternité — at least it acknowledges that there is more than one concept at stake in what you want your republic to stand for.

Something that we don’t discuss overtly, although it is implicit in many of our political discussions, is the fact that these three things do not naturally coexist — or perhaps I should say, they don’t naturally flow from each other, and sometimes one militates against the others. I’ve thought about this a lot over the years, but never really set it out in writing. I was reminded of it over the weekend when I was watching a documentary series about Napoleon on DVD. Napoleon had a thing about upholding égalité, at least in principle (of course, the emperor was more equal than others), because of his own rise from humble beginnings. But he put no stock in liberté. And yet he presumed to stand for the revolution (how he got away with that pose as long as he did still surprises me).

In this country, we talk about freedom, but only some of us — the libertarians — would always put it above the other two. Others would elevate equality to the point that it overrides other concerns — from Jim Clyburn trying to use government resources to lift up his impoverished district, to the Bush administration insisting that "no child be left behind" even to the point that a school is seen as "failing" when special ed students or kids whose first language isn’t English don’t pass the same test as everyone else.

Me, I’m a fraternité man, if forced to state a preference. Being a communitarian, I’m concerned with the brotherhood of the full community. I realize that living in civilization requires marginal curtailment of some liberties (such as the liberty to swing one’s fist), and that equality of results (as opposed to inputs) are probably a bridge too far for most societies. We should balance those concerns in a way that the community as a whole is served, and bound together in a common interest, emphasizing common values. In other words, I tend to think that liberty and equality are best served when we can find a way to do so that underlines our commonalities — our brotherhood. Brotherhood, of course (as libertarians will tell you) can’t be legislated. But if we construct our policies and legislation (on the limited range of things that can be legislated, that is) in a way that emphasizes our common American values and interests, we’re most likely to achieve something that respects and furthers freedom and equality as well. In other words, fraternité is less something one creates than something one builds upon.

That’s my model, anyway, and it occurs to me that this is the basis for an interesting discussion. I propose that we agree that all three republican values — freedom, equality and brotherhood — are essential, and that we’d love to see all three enshrined to the maximum degree possible. But recognizing that almost any specific policy will emphasize one of these more than the others, which do you lean toward? If there has to be an imbalance, which would you consider best — or perhaps I should say, the least bad?

The essence of “democracy?” Not exactly

Reading proofs for today’s op-ed page, I found myself quibbling with a word choice of Thomas Friedman’s. It’s not that I didn’t understand what he meant; I was just in a quibbling mood.

It was his simplistic, not-quite-right use of the word, "democracy:"

    The very essence of democracy is peaceful rotations of power, no matter whose party or tribe is in or out. But that ethic does not apply in most of the Arab-Muslim world today, where the political ethos remains “Rule or Die.” Either my group is in power or I’m dead, in prison, in exile or lying very low. But democracy is not about majority rule; it is about minority rights. If there is no culture of not simply tolerating minorities, but actually treating them with equal rights, real democracy can’t take root.

As I say, I knew what he meant. We’ve all sort of agreed amongst ourselves that the thing the Bush administration says it wants to bring to Iraq and the rest of the region (whether one agrees with that goal or not, or believe that is the true motive) is called, for convenience, "democracy." Even though democracy is not what we have in this country — or rather, it’s not what we’re supposed to have, to the extent that we respect the wishes and wisdom of the Framers who bequeathed us a specific sort of republic, defined by a constitution.

What Friedman means to say is that "the very essence" of a system like ours is peaceful rotation of power — or at least it was a goal of the Framers, though it wasn’t achieved until the election of 1800. That year marked the real American revolution, seen from that perspective. A peaceful transition was by no means guaranteed before that.

The truth is that "democracy" can occur without such peaceful transitions, and certainly without respect for other factions or tribes. (I could also point out that "Rule or Die" sounds a lot like the rhetoric of political partisans in this country, although fortunately they have not yet backed it up with civil bloodshed.)

He’s also wrong when he says democracy "is not about majority rule; it is about minority rights." No, democracy IS about majority rule, which is why it is so messy in so many parts of the world, and why Madison, Jay, Hamilton and the rest rejected it in favor of a republic with minority rights guaranteed by way of a carefully balanced constitutional form of government. Those guys were very worried about the passions of the mob, which is why our government is composed of various parts with differing constituencies and loads of checks and balances.

Again, I knew what he meant; but sometimes it helps us to think more clearly about these things when we examine the terms more closely.

Soul-searching in the secular realm of politics

Hal1

By BRAD WARTHEN
EDITORIAL PAGE EDITOR
A reader recently told me she enjoys my columns because she likes to follow my “soul-searching” as I try to work through an issue. I suggested she keep reading — who knows; someday I might actually find something.
    But I knew what she meant, and took it kindly. That’s the kind of commentary I value, too. That’s why I called Hal Stevenson on Friday to talk about the upcoming presidential primaries.
    Hal is a political activist of the Christian conservative variety. He’s a board member and former chairman of the Palmetto Family Council, which has its offices in a building he owns on Gervais Street. He’s also one of the most soberly thoughtful and fair-minded people I know, which to the national media probably constitutes an oxymoron: The thoughtful Christian conservative.
    When last I saw Hal, he had brought Sen. Sam Brownback in for an editorial board interview regarding his quest for the GOP presidential nomination.
    Since then, several things have happened:

    Of all those, the nod I would have valued the most was that of Sen. Brownback — like me, a convert to Catholicism. When he spoke of the impact of faith on his approach to leadership, it actually seemed to have something to do with Judeo-Christian beliefs: He spoke of acting justly, loving mercy and walking humbly.
    By contrast, Pat Robertson’s explanation as to why he was endorsing the one Republican least in tune with religious conservatives seemed to have little to do with spiritual matters, and everything to do with secular ideology and partisan strategy: He spoke of defeating terrorism, fiscal discipline and the selection of federal judges. The first two concerns are secular; the third seemed the least likely of reasons for him to back Mr. Giuliani.
    The ways in which “values voters” interact with the sin-stained realities of power politics have long mystified me, and I wondered: Does a guy like Pat Robertson, with all his baggage (wanting to whack Hugo Chavez, suggesting 9/11 happened because America had it coming), actually deliver more votes than he chases away?
    So I called Hal to help me sort it out. As of lunchtime Friday, when we spoke, he was up in the air about the presidential contest himself, now that his man Brownback was out of it. But he’s sorting through it, and has had face-to-face talks with the candidates he considers most likely.
    “My heart says Huckabee,” he said. “He’s much more like me, I suppose, than the other guys.” But that’s not his final answer. He said when he asked Sen. Brownback why he didn’t get behind Gov. Huckabee, he said “it’d be like endorsing himself, so he might as well stay in himself.” He was looking for someone who offered what he couldn’t, and chose McCain.
    As for Hal, “I did meet with McCain,” who is “certainly a real patriot,” but he’s trying to decide whether the Arizonan’s position on stem cell research — he charts a middle course — “is going to be a deal-killer for me.” (Brownback has told him that McCain says he wouldn’t make such research a high priority as president.)
    He hasn’t decided yet about Mitt Romney. He’s talked with him, and sees him as “a very capable executive… he’s proven that.” But he cites “Sam’s words” about the former Massachusetts governor: “He’s a technocrat, running as an ideologue.”
    While noting that “we don’t look to Bob Jones III for a lot of stuff,” there are “some very credible Christian activists out there supporting Romney.” He mentions state lawmakers Nathan Ballentine and Kevin Bryant, and cites his respect for U.S. Sen. Jim DeMint.
    He says he’s not bothered by Mr. Romney’s flip-flopping on abortion, since he “takes the right position now.” But he worries it could hurt him in the general election, when Democrats could use old video clips to great effect.
    “I am going through a methodical process,” he said, “and I have been impressed with McCain, Huckabee, Romney….”
    He has not, however, met with Fred Thompson, “and I probably wouldn’t waste Giuliani’s time.”
“I respect him for being straightforward and not trying to B.S. us,” he said of the former mayor, but he does not relish having to choose between two pro-choice candidates next November.
    As for the host of “The 700 Club,” “I really don’t much care what Pat Robertson does.”
    “Robertson lost credibility with most thinking evangelicals a long time ago.” Hal said he was turned off back during Mr. Robertson’s own run for the presidency in 1988: “It was all about acquiring political power in the Republican Party,” and that “wasn’t what many of us thought the Christian Coalition was about.”
    While Hal himself is still seeking the answer, “I’ve got good evangelical friends who are working for every campaign.”
    Every Republican campaign, that is. Nothing against Democrats per se, Hal says; it’s just that “A pro-life Democrat doesn’t have a chance in the Democratic primary,” and that is a deal-killer.
    Hal still doesn’t know which of the candidates that leaves please him the most, but in the end, that’s not the point: “The only person ultimately I’m trying to please is the Lord.”

Hal2

Now here’s a ‘religious conservative’ I WOULD want on my side

Mccain_brownback_wart

As you may have read at S.C. Politics Today, John McCain also got on the scoreboard with an endorsement from a Christian conservative type.

But unlike the fringe cats who have stepped out for Romney and Giuliani, the senator from Arizona has the backing of somebody I would actually want on my team, if I had a team.

Sam Brownback (aside from being Catholic) is a religious man of respect, in my book. This is welcome news.

As I quoted Hal Stevenson of the Palmetto Family Council as saying of Brownback in my August column, "I was looking for someone who exhibits, and walks the walk that they talk, and that’s a rare thing in politics."

Amen to that.

Hey! Romney! Leave them kids alone!

Romney_2008_wart

One thing I never ask presidential candidates about is education. I’m a big believer in subsidiarity, and I basically hold that K-12 public schools are none of the federal government’s business.

But that doesn’t keep some of these candidates from telling us what they want to do to — uh, I mean, for — our schools. Interestingly, more and more these days, the candidates we hear from most on the subject is the ones who want to position themselves as "conservatives." Of course, these days that usually means they will be pushing something that is in no way conservative, but a classically liberal idea — the diversion of funds from the public schools under the guise of our governor’s cause, "school choice." Just so you can keep it straight, folks: Undermining core institutions — of which public schools would be one of the most fundamental, in this country — is pretty much the opposite of conservatism.

And sure enough, this Mitt Romney release, detailing the proposals he unveiled right here in capital city today, is true to that form. Ironically, the very first thing Mr. Romney — shown above at Columbia’s Edventure this morning — says about schools is this:

Governor Romney Believes Our Education System Works Best When We Have More Local Control Of Our Schools.  While there is a proper role for the federal government to play in education, it is not in telling parents, teachers, kids and local authorities what to teach or how to run their schools.

To which I say, OK, so why don’t you butt out? Excuse me, but you are running for president, right — not another term as governor of Massachusetts?

Then, the very first item under the heading, "Governor Romney’s Conservative Strategy To Raise The Bar In Education" is that most anti-public school agenda that we’ve all heard more about than we ever need to hear:

Governor Romney Will Promote School Choice.  He believes that when parents and kids are free to choose their school, everyone benefits.  That’s because competition and choice in educational opportunities – whether it comes from private schools, charter schools, or home schooling – makes traditional public schools better and improves the quality of education for all of America’s kids.  Governor Romney believes that it is especially important that students in failing schools be able to exercise school choice so that they can get access to the resources and opportunities they need to succeed.

That said, I’ll give the governor snaps for promoting merit pay for teachers, and for understanding that NCLB is flawed. But the solution to that is to ditch NCLB, not try to "fix" it. And you can ditch the U.S. Department of Education while you’re at it, if you’re so inclined.

But my bottom line for Mr. Romney and anyone else seeking the presidency is this:

Hey! Candidate! Leave them kids alone!

Catholics Fed Up with Partisanship

At least, that (what my headline says) would probably have been the name of this group if I had been the one to start it. Or perhaps, "Catholics Cracking Heads for Civility."

But Catholics in Alliance for the Common Good is kinder and gentler than I am, so they take a more easygoing approach in their approach to promoting our common goals — more civility, more respect for reason in debates, and less mindless partisanship.

I just received a release from the group announcing that "A diverse group of prominent lay Catholics — including 11 former U.S. ambassadors and former chairmen of the Republican and Democratic National Committees — have called for a more civil tone to replace the divisive rhetoric and partisan attacks that define our national political debates." The release provided a link to the document signed by those leaders, "A Catholic Call to Observe Civility in Political Debate." So I went and read it.

You gotta love such statements as this:

  • As Catholics we must learn to disagree respectfully and without judgment to avoid rudeness in expressing our opinions to those whom we suspect will disagree with us, or in reacting to others’ expressions of opinion.
  • As Catholics we need to keep in mind the common humanity that we share with those with whom we disagree. We must avoid seeing them as "the enemy" in a life-or-death, winner-take-all political contest.
  • As Catholics we should never lose faith in the power of reason – a unique gift from God to mankind – and we should always keep ourselves open to a reasoned argument. In this spirit we should defend our views and positions with conviction and patience, but without being obnoxious or bullying.

I’m a little less certain over the signatories’ tiptoeing around the issue of whether the church should act to correct Catholics who clearly do not support the Church’s social teachings, whether it’s Democrats embracing abortion or Republicans dissing various forms of public assistance. Ultimately, I have to applaud the nuanced, soundly Catholic approach that the document takes, including the following elements:

  • It chides "Catholic politicians who advertise their Catholicism as part of their political appeal, but ignore the Church’s moral teachings in their political life…"
  • It adds that "we should not enlist the Church’s moral endorsement for our political preferences," and "we should not exhort the Church to condemn our political opponents by
    publicly denying them Holy Communion based on public dissent from
    Church teachings."
  • At the same time, it says, as "lay Catholics we should not pass judgment, and should avoid public
    statements that undermine the authority of the Church’s leaders.
    American Catholics know who their Church leaders are: their Bishops,
    Archbishops, and Cardinals." While an "individual’s fitness to receive communion is his or her personal responsibility… it is a bishop’s responsibility to set for his diocese the guidelines for administering communion."
  • In other words, it’s up to bishops whether they want to deny communion. A very Catholic answer, and I agree with it.

But… the group that’s promoting this laudable call for civility is also one that promotes Catholic Social Teaching, and I wish priests and bishops would speak from the pulpit more about our moral obligations in those regards, and do so without worrying who’s getting their feelings hurt.

It’s one thing to engage in the idiocy of the perpetual struggle for supremacy between the two, equally morally objectionable political parties. Catholics should never engage in the dumbing-down of issues or ad hominem rhetoric that the parties and their auxiliary interest groups promote. All of that is extremely destructive. (And we Catholics should challenge ourselves whenever, in others’ eyes, we are seen as guilty of this.)

But if the Church truly believes in the dignity of all human life, in our obligation to be stewards of the Earth, our duty to the poor, and so forth, then it ought to be no respecter of persons as it speaks out in a bold way that makes these positions crystal-clear. (That would of course include challenging me on my support of military action, which puts me in the position of justifying whether our presence in Iraq or Afghanistan or anywhere else is in keeping with the Just War doctrine, or can be made to be in keeping with it.)

I realize I’m not being terribly clear myself here. OK, go back and read what I wrote about the moral instruction regarding political issues that I heard in a synagogue a couple of weeks back. No individual was trashed or called names; no political party was condemned. But it was made clear that as Jews, you are expected to believe in certain things, and act accordingly in the public sphere.

That ought to go double for Catholics. Jewishness is to some extent tied up with ethnic identity, whatever one chooses to believe. Catholicism is purely a matter of what you believe, and there should be no shyness about pointing out where Catholic teaching begins and ends, and when policy proposals are in keeping with it and when they are not.

If this petition leads to less of the vicious nonsense that I decry constantly on this blog, then praise be to God for the miracle. But I hope it will also encourage bold declarations of what is right and wrong in terms of policy, and whether a given proposal is in keeping with such standards or not.

Contrasting Obama, Clinton on licenses

After having read or heard Barack Obama expressing his objections to Hillary Clinton’s answer to the debate question about N.Y. Gov. Spitzer’s driver’s license proposal, I finally asked Amaya Smith with his campaign for a statement of what Sen. Obama thinks about it. (That had been missing from the bits and pieces I had run into up to that time.) Here’s what Amaya said:

Barack Obama supports providing secure identifications to undocumented immigrants as a way to reduce fatalities on the roads, and give our law enforcement personnel the tools they need to fight crime and stop terrorism.  However, this can only be a stopgap measure on the road to comprehensive immigration reform that includes securing our borders, fixing our broken immigration bureaucracy and bringing the 12 million undocumented immigrants out of the shadows and onto a responsible path towards citizenship.  Gov Spitzer’s original plan is consistent with Senator Obama’s views on the issue.

To me, that didn’t sound wildly different from what Hillary had said, so to refresh my memory, I went back to fetch it:

"You know, Tim, this is where everybody plays ‘gotcha.’ It makes a lot
of sense… what is the governor supposed to do? He is dealing with a
serious problem. We have failed, and George Bush has failed. Do I think
this is the best thing for any governor to do? No. But do I understand
the sense of real desperation, trying to get a handle on this —
remember, in New York; we want to know who’s in New York, we want
people to come out of the shadows. He’s making an honest effort to do
it; we should have passed immigration reform.

OK, so Obama’s for it, but has reservations, seeing it as no more than a stopgap. Hillary sees reasons why the governor would do it, and doesn’t want to criticize, but in the end has reservations too strong to be for it. Which is where I am, only I’m not offended by Obama’s position. It makes sense, too. Seems to me like we have two reasonable people here, both of whom see the pros and cons, but they end up a few degrees away from each other, on different sides of a line.

I end up on Hillary’s side. I see how licenses could be a way of bringing underground people out into the open and tracking them — not to mention making New York’s roads somewhat safer. But in the end, I think there are too many negatives to granting the licenses, including homeland security problems. And ultimately, the Congress should have passed the comprehensive immigration reform bill, which would accomplish the goals Obama says he’s aiming for.

If there were a scale with zero being the position of Lou Dobbs (completely against), and 10 being Spitzer (completely for), it seems like Hillary’s a 4, and Obama’s a 6.5 or 7. Not exactly polar opposites.

But then again, I don’t understand the passions this issue generates. Robert Ariail — who has upcoming cartoons both making fun of poor Dennis and hitting Hillary the way Obama is (if anyone still thought Robert marched in step with the rest of us, that should settle it) — and I just had another discussion/argument about the issue this morning, with little ground given by either of us. Robert’s a fence-and-deportation guy; I’m for the defunct McCain/Graham bill.

P.S. — I had lunch with Amaya and Kevin Griffis back on Oct. 18. Nothing eventful, aside from the fact that the maitre d’ had to shunt us off to a private room because although Kevin wore the obligatory sport coat, he wore in with jeans. The purpose of the lunch was for Kevin to introduce me to Amaya, a mission which he accomplished. Consider this to be my official, belated contact report.

Lay off Dennis the Menace. Hillary, too

Debateoct

At last night’s debate, Tim Russert sought to have fun at Dennis Kucinich’s expense, and succeeded.

"Did you see a UFO?" asked the immoderate moderator. "I did," said Mr. Kucinich, and the place burst into laughter. He struggled on to explain, "ItDennis
was (an) unidentified flying object, OK. It’s like — it’s unidentified. I saw something."

If you see an object in the sky and you don’t know what it is, it’s an unidentified flying object. But you see, Superficial America — the version of America that exists on television, on blogs, at press conferences, and throughout political campaigns — has officially decided that Dennis the Menace, whom we all know as flaky to begin with, has duly outdone himself by admitting that he saw a UFO at (and this is the really rich part) Shirley Maclaine’s house. Everybody laugh now.

Yeah, Dennis is a fringe kind of guy, but this is unfair. It’s part of the dumbing-down and oversimplifying function of mass media, and people who live their lives as extension of said media. Call them the Blathering Classes. This shorthand culture demands that everyone fit into an assigned cubicle, preferably one of two choices in each case: Left or Right, Democrat or Republican, winner or loser, conservative or liberal, black or white, yes or no.

We saw the same foolishness at work in the way the other candidates jumped on Hillary Clinton for having answered a question about Gov. Spitzer’s immigrant driver’s license proposal pretty much the way I would:

"You know, Tim, this is where everybody plays ‘gotcha.’ It makes a lot of sense… what is the governor supposed to do? He is dealing with a serious problem. We have failed, and George Bush has failed. Do I think this is the best thing for any governor to do? No. But do I understand the sense of real desperation, trying to get a handle on this — remember, in New York; we want to know who’s in New York, we want people to come out of the shadows. He’s making an honest effort to do it; we should have passed immigration reform.

John Edwards, who would never be accused of holding a nuanced or complex few of any emotional issue, pounced:

"Unless I missed something, Sen. Clinton said two different things in the course of about two minutes, uh, just a few minutes ago. And, I think this is a real issue… for the country. I mean, America is looking for a president  who will say the same thing, who will be consistent, who will be straight with them.

To my view, a person who explains that this is not an issue with a simple answer, and explains why — which Mrs. Clinton did — is the one who is being straight with us. To expand on something I’ve said before, anyone who thinks there’s a simple answer on this one is either not really thinking, or is NOT being straight with us.

Obama was no better:

I was confused on Sen. Clinton’s answer. I, I, I can’t tell whether she was for it or against it, and I do think that is important. One of the things that we have to do in this country is to be honest about the challenges that we face.

Excuse me? She just did that.

Joe Biden said he wasn’t running against Hillary Clinton; he was running to be leader of the free world, a job he’s actually prepared for over lo these many years. Maybe that’s why he’s doing so poorly; Superficial America has no patience for that sort of thing.

Will Sanford take next step, and actually WORK with Rex?

Check out Cindi’s column today. It seems Gov. Sanford was somewhat taken aback to learn that he and Supt. of Ed. Jim Rex have some reform goals in common — this, despite the fact that I (and others) have made that point to him since right after last year’s election. Here’s video of my asking the governor about this in January.

Unfortunately, the governor has put all his education-related energies into the effort to pay people to desert the public schools, rather than into making those schools better.

Like Cindi, I, too, am encouraged that — thanks to his laudable efforts to get his hands around the budget process — the governor has at long last had a conversation with Mr. Rex regarding these matters. (It’s also great to see the first lady working with Mr. Rex on another front.) He asked Mr. Rex whether he would actively advocate some of these reforms. What I want to know is, will the governor break precedent and do something he never did with Inez Tenenbaum, and has failed for a year to do with Mr. Rex — seize upon areas of agreement, and get some worthwhile things done.

As you know, we believe that the governor should appoint the education superintendent, and have direct control over how that half of the state budget is spent. So, to hear him tell it, does the governor. But up to now, he has stiffened resistance to that idea among those who care about education by swinging back and forth between negligent apathy and outright hostility toward public schools. It’s time he helped the cause of government restructuring — not to mention the crucial cause of universal education — by showing he can be a force for positive change.

But seriously, folks: Land on Sanford and Workers’ Comp


Just to show that this morning’s event wasn’t all fun and games — well, OK, it was all fun and games for the Democratic Party luminaries Dwight Drake had invited to the roof of his law firm’s fancy digs, but set that aside… here’s a clip of me asking Sen. Land a question that he, of all people, would take in utmost seriousness.

Sen. Land is an attorney who represents workers in Workers’ Comp cases, so the recent controversy over the governor’s efforts to influence the administrative law court’s standard is a sober subject for him.

(Please excuse the occasional disappearance of the senator’s chin; the glare on that rooftop was considerable, and I had trouble seeing what was on the little monitor screen on my camera.)